light themes even to advert to. He joined | to, it would fill him at once with the with those who had expressed so strong sincerest pleasure and with the deepest and so just reprobation of the outrages gratitude. that had been committed, and at violations of the law from which they ought all to shrink with horror, but which became doubly appalling when no other pretence was set up for the palliation of that which never could be justified, than that the great and the noble had performed what they believed to be their duty, and what no one disputed that they had a right to do. But this reprobation would have found an echo in every well-regulated mind, and he could not, therefore, help bitterly regretting the unnecessary heat with which it had been urged-heat which had caused it to be mixed with matters altogether irrelevant, and with topics which could hardly be discussed in any assembly without producing great excitement. If he regretted this, how much more must he regret that Gentlemen could have so far forgotten themselves as to impute to persons in the highest stations, connivance at outrages which could be countenanced only by the most vicious or the most ignorant? He would not suffer himself to be led, even by such provocation, into the use of violent language; but he could not help expressing his regret that his hon. and learned friend, however heated, however irritated, should have so far forgotten what was due to himself, what was due to that assembly, and what was due to common justice, as to have ascribed to Ministers motives which he was sure his hon. and learned friend must see, upon a moment's reflection, could not influence any honourable mind. He did not wish to protract this discussion, and he would resist the strong provocation he had received to enter upon many of the topics which had been brought under discussion. Would, then, the House permit him, for the sake of the dignity of the House, for the sake of the peace and composure of the country, and appealing to the feelings of every honest and nobleminded man who heard him-would, he said, the House permit him to entreat that this discussion be closed and put an end to? He would not have made this appeal but from a strong conviction that the most fatal consequences to the country would result from the prolongation of the debate. He did hope, that there was sufficient patriotism in the House of Commons not to allow him to make this appeal in vain; and if that appeal were listened

Mr. Hunt said, that notwithstanding the admonition which the House had received from the right hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, it was impossible for any man who felt for his country, to sit silent on this occasion. For his part, he would not consent to do so after the language which he had heard from the hon. member for Middlesex. What was the fact? A Member of the other House of Parliament, the Marquis of Londonderry, in coming down to do his duty to-night, as a Member of the Legislature, had been grossly assulted by a cowardly mob. Blood had been shed. A Peer had been wounded. And the hon. member for Middlesex would have it sent forth to the country that all this was accident. Was not that an encouragement to mobs to vent their anger to the utmost upon all those with whose opinions they did not agree? The hon. member for Middlesex did not content himself by saying that the attack upon the Marquis of Londonderry was an accident, but he called the fires at Nottingham trifling occurrences. The hon. Gentleman compared those outrages to the burning of corn-stacks and farmhouses, by a peasantry driven to desperation by hunger. But he (Mr. Hunt) had risen to reply to the right hon. member for Windsor, who, with a great degree of anger and indignation, had accused hon. Members upon the Opposition side of the House of a perversion of facts. He did not think that they had perverted one fact. But he would ask the hon.member for Windsor, did not he attempt to pervert facts? Did he not say, that the letters of the noble Lord, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and of the Paymaster of the Forces, had not been addressed to the Birmingham Union, but to the gentlemen who presided at the meeting which voted thanks to those noble Lords? He must say, that that was a perversion of facts. The meeting had been called by the Council of the Birmingham Political Union, who invited other Unions in Staffordshire to attend there. Upon the call of the Birmingham Union, therefore, those other Unions did attend, with banners, bearing the names of the places they came from, and devices expressive of their political sentiments. Now that was precisely what happened at Manchester, at a meeting at which he presided

to proceed in their mischievous course of reviling and holding up to public vengeance Peers and Members of Parliament. He was perfectly ready to admit, that the

about the metropolis, were in a state of great excitement; but did that justify the Government in asserting that the nation was unanimous in their support? Did not the conduct of the people of Dorsetshire falsify such a statement? and was it not plain enough that, even in the county with which the Chancellor of the Exchequer was himself connected, there did exist considerable difference of opinion? And surely no man could call the late election at Dublin an unanimous declaration in favour of the Bill. He had himself lately attended a meeting which separated without personal violence-without breaking windows

in 1819. The number of persons assembled was nearly the same. But there was one great difference between the two meetings the one held at Manchester did not vote a resolution to resist the pay-people in some parts of the country, and ment of taxes. They had assembled only to petition Parliament for Reform, and for a repeal of the Corn-laws. Yet on that occasion thirteen people were killed by the military, and a great number were wounded. But the people at the Birmingham meeting held up their hands, without a single exception, in favour of a resolution to resist the payment of taxes, because the House of Lords had thrown out the Reform Bill. Was not that illegal? It was no business of his to call the Ministers to account for whatever letter they chose to write, but he would take the liberty of asking them, was it wise to write a letter of thankful acknowledgment to the Chairman of the meeting which had passed the resolution? He could not concur with the right hon. member for Windsor, that there was any great wisdom in that. He did not go the length of accusing the Ministers of conniving at the atrocities which had been committed lately, nor of anything which might have been done by the multitude that were assembled that day; but he would remind them, that the meeting at Manchester had been violently dispersed, on the ground that so great an assemblage of the people was dangerous to the public peace. The hon. member for Boroughbridge had accused the Government of conniving at the present riots. Whether there might or might not be foundation for that charge, there could be no doubt that the Press had put forward threats of the vengeance which should be executed upon such Peers as might oppose the Bill. Had they not heard that the Peers were to be put in schedule A, if they did not agree to pass the Bill? and some Latin quotation had been used in the Times newspaper of yesterday,about strike at the face ["quote".] Hon. Members might call on him to quote, but he begged to inform them that he had forgotten more Latin than most of them had ever learned. He made no pretensions to being a literary character. It was a long time since he went to school, and he was not one of those who kept up classical reading he made no pretension to being a quoter of Latin. But to turn to matters more important. A good ground of complaint had been laid against the Government. It was for suffering the Press

unlike the meetings at which other hon. Members in that House had thought proper to attend. At the meeting which he attended, the question on the Bill was put, and the numbers for it were seven, while those against it were 2,000. He did not possess sufficient influence over the people to delude or to deceive them; but the hon. member for Middlesex certainly possessed sufficient influence for that purpose, for he succeeded in persuading them that they would derive more advantage from the Bill than in his conscience he believed would ever accrue from it. No doubt those who collected great multitudes were responsible for their conduct in so calling them together; and those who previously furnished the means of excitement to meetings to be afterwards called, were likewise responsible for results. Did any one suppose that the multitude who followed the hon. member for Middlesex were ignorant of the letters which that morning had been published from the two noble Lords opposite? Would not those letters then be received by the great mass of the people present as sanctioning the proceeding in which they were engaged? He would again say, that he thought it most extraordinary that any Government should have allowed the public Press to run the length which the Press in these days had gone; and if this state of things went on, where would it stop? The right hon. member for Windsor might laugh, but matters might soon become serious. It might be all very well for a time, but sooner or later Ministers would regret the turbulence which it served their present purpose to

permit the time might come when it meeting to which he had already alluded,, would put their noses out of joint. Really which took place within these few days in the state of things was alarming, and not the metropolis, though there were 2,000easily understood. At the very moment within the walls of the building, there were when the Duke of Newcastle's place was from 3,000 to 4,000 persons collected outbeing destroyed, the military were parading side the doors, and, even in the present the streets of Nottingham, but would not disturbed state of the metropolis, they went march to its rescue, having no orders to home without committing a single act of that effect. Since then a rumour had gone violence towards person or property-not abroad, that the people were proceeding to a window broken-not a word spoken Belvoir Castle with the same purpose. If about violence of any sort, and yet it was they allowed the present state of things to anything but a Whig meeting. On the continue and grow worse, they must in occasion of the meeting to which he was the end call out the military, Did he, then referring, he addressed the meeting. therefore, advocate acts of violence? He thought it necessary to be thus parQuite the contrary; but he then, and at ticular in giving an account of what ocall times, very much questioned the pru-curred, as the Press had grossly misrepredence and expediency of large bodies of sented him. He told the people of the men going up to the King for the purpose gross mischief of which the Press was of presenting petitions-it bore the appear-guilty-he desired them not to be deance of intimidation: and in the year 1816, ceived by any one telling them that the at the Spafields meeting, when it was pro- Bill would not be so good for them as posed that the whole body of those present some people represented, and he added, should go up to the Prince Regent with that if the 107. householders thought proan Address, it would have been agreed to per to refuse paying taxes which he but for him; he owed it to his own safety, thought would be very wrong on their and to his own character, not to implicate parts-that was no rule for the people. himself in any such proceeding. He had He said, too, don't you (the people) refuse some influence in those days, and he pre- to pay your taxes; and that meeting sepavailed upon the meeting to give up the rated without the slightest indication of a design of proceeding in a body to the riot. See how different was the fact with Palace. He requested the assembled respect to other meetings which took place. people to interest themselves with the Even that very day he heard that a police petition, and he would take care that it constable had been assassinated. should reach the hands of the Prince Regent. He told them that Parliamentary Reform was the one thing needful, and did not encourage them, as the Press of that day did, to break open the shops of the butchers and the bakers. What he said then, and what he continued now to say, was, that the first step was to obtain for the people the privilege of being duly represented in Parliament. At the several meetings at which he attended or took an active part, the people uniformly went. home in the most orderly and peaceable manner; and not so much as a single pane of glass was broken. No doubt there was some mischief done in Bristol on one occasion; during an election there was some serious rioting in that place, but that was after he went to bed, having been fatigued in consequence of attending all day to the business of the election. He did not deny that upon that occasion there was much violence, and that blood was shed; but never in his sight was there an intentional breach of the peace. At the

Mr. Lamb: There is no truth in that rumour.

Mr. Hunt resumed. He was glad that the statement was without foundation. Breaches of the peace he should always most deeply regret. But, in times, and under circumstances, who were most peculiarly responsible for breaches of the peace? Why, the Government; and it was now full time that all this sort of work should be put an end to-the Government ought to feel that they had had enough of approbation. They must be very cormorants in the love of praise, if they desired to have any more. He really thought the time had arrived when Ministers might be satisfied with the expression of public feeling to which recent events bad given rise, and they ought now to adopt some means for protecting person and property in this metropolis. He had understood that Commissioners Mayne and Rowan had given directions that no man should be struck on the head unless he were detected in some act of violence,

endangering life. For himself he had no | sure-it would have been well if he had fears--he had lived to little purpose, if he taken a little time for consideration. The could not venture amongst his fellow- hon. and learned Gentleman would not, citizens unarmed. At the same time if he perhaps, have been so much surprised at should encounter violence from a multi-what had taken place, if he had recollected tude, though he had but one life to lose, that, at the moment, it was not probable he would still defend that life-he would that the means would be at hand to prenot die without resistance. He by no vent it. He had very good reason, howmeans concurred with those hon. Mem- ever, to state, that these outrages could bers who thought that the present dis- not be continued. The moment their excussion ought to be cut short; on the istence was notified, measures were taken contrary, he thought that discussion would to put an end to them. He, however, be likely to produce beneficial results. If must say, that the hon. and learned Genthe multitude should be so cowardly and tleman took the most effectual way of enbloody as to attack single individuals, couraging those outrages, when, by his they ought manfully to defend themselves, speech, he sent it forth to the public, that which, though the boldest, was the safest the Government, by its conduct, connived course. It was cowardly and bloody to at such proceedings. Nothing could be attack single individuals; and he felt as- more injurious, nothing more dangerous sured that the people of England were in- to the peace of the country,than to state that capable of any thing of the sort, unless those whose duty, whose imperative duty, when peculiarly excited, or very grossly it was to prevent such outrages, had absomisled. But they now were under excite- lutely overlooked, or encouraged, or conment and misguidance, and he hoped that nived at them. the Government would at length see the necessity of interfering for the preservation of person and property, and the preservation of the public peace.

Mr. Lamb said, he felt it necessary to make a few observations, in consequence of the censure which the hon. and learned Gentleman opposite had thought fit to cast on the department to which he belonged, for it was evident that his remarks were directed in fact, though not in terms, against that department. In doing so, he would premise, that however severe the language of the hon. and learned Gentleman might have been, he hoped that he should, in the few words which he meant to address to the House, although his feelings were somewhat wounded, preserve that calm spirit, and that cool feeling, which every hon. Member ought to command, in the present state of public affairs. He did not know-indeed, he could not conceiveupon what acts, or upon what omissions, the hon. and learned Gentleman had chosen to cast upon the Home Department the responsibility of certain circumstances which had that night formed the subject of discussion. He, however, would challenge inquiry-yes, the most rigid inquiry into the proceedings of the department with which he was connected. He thought that, before the hon. and learned Gentleman had entered into a tirade relative to what had occurred at Nottingham-before he made it the ground of charge and cen

Sir Charles Wetherell denied, that he had used the word "encouraged." He had said permitted or connived.

Mr. Lamb said, the admission of the hon. and learned Gentleman was quite sufficient. Such a declaration, it must be evident to all, was exceedingly dangerous. As to an assassination having been perpetrated that evening, to which circumstance the hon. member for Preston had alluded, he had, he was happy to say, received a notification, from which it appeared that no such circumstance had taken place. On that point, so contradicted, he would not dwell-he would build no argument upon it. He would speak only of the general outrages, and these, he would say, demanded, and had received, the prompt attention of Government. He could assure the House, that the utmost vigilance would be exercised for the preservation of the public peace. The proper measures for effecting that object would be taken, without distinction as to persons of any party. With respect to the outrage perpetrated at the house of the Duke of Wellington, no man regretted it more deeply than he did; but it was one of those occurrences which would sometimes happen, in spite of the utmost exertion. Allusion had been made to what he had said on a former occasion, as to large bodies of the people meeting together. He did not disavow the language which he had then used; and when Gentlemen talked