such a country as this, demanding as it
does so enormous an importation of the
necessaries of life, the only market of
labour really interfered with by this plan
would be that of foreign countries, and
the only persons who would be otherwise
than sensibly benefitted would be the idle
and profligate paupers. I had prepared
myself more particularly for this part of
the measure, but the time is gone. The
ease with which it could be executed, the
certainty of its success, the employment
it would create, and the wages it would
distribute, principally at the seasons of
the year when labour is not supposed to
be the most scarce, the advantage to the
parishes of the country and to the public
at large, these formed a large part per-
spectively of the subject which I have
this night brought before the House; but
upon these topics, for the reason I have
stated, I must not enter. I shall now
proceed to the means by which I propose to
put this measure into execution; and this
also I must, for the same too obvious
reason, touch upon
with very inconvenient
brevity. The necessary machinery, then,
for executing this plan I would take, in
the first place, from the parochial officers
already appointed by law-the Church-
wardens and Overseers of the poor, who
are, as a body, a most useful and merito-
rious class; but I would not, however,

pose, would be easy, and the burthens it would impose upon the community would be indeed light. But to return; all the writers on this great subject, for at least half a century afterwards, such as Sir Joshua Child, Sir Matthew Hale, John Locke, and many others, placed their projects on the manufacturing basis, properly so called. The workhouses first erected in considerable numbers about a century ago, proceeded upon the same idea, and have led to greater evils, and occasioned a greater additional expense, in managing the poor, than any other part of the existing practice. Fully aware that they are occasionally well and humanely managed (and an exemplary instance occurs in the town where I reside), still, on the whole, the system is a crying evil, and demands immediate revision. Manufacturing labour (properly so called) being, therefore, totally out of the question, it follows, that what Montesquieu emphatically calls "the universal manufacture," the culture of the soil, is the only resource that remains for this important purpose, and happily for us it is of all others that which is most adapted to the peculiar wants and condition of the country. We have lands enough, and, as some contend, hands too many; surely, then, there can be no hesitation whether, or in what manner, we shall employ those whom we are other-resign the duty to them without control, wise compelled to sustain in idleness. as it might, and sometimes would, so The desiderata on this branch of the sub- happen in the country parishes, that they ject are these: first, to increase employ- would have been parties to the mischiefs ment without improperly interfering with of which I have been speaking, and therethe general market of labour; secondly, fore not the most proper, or perhaps to sustain at a just remunerating price willing persons to remedy them. the value of the labour of those who are them, therefore, I would add another imwilling and anxious to work for their sub-portant parochial functionary, to be cresistence; thirdly, to compel those to ated by law for this purpose, whose duty labour who would otherwise seek to be it would be to see, that the various provimaintained in voluntary idleness. All sions of the Act were truly and impartially these objects, each of which are so desir- carried into effect; conjointly with the able, might be secured by taking a pa- present parochial officers, if that might be ; rochial allotment of land, and cultivating but, if the latter should withstand the it by spade husbandry. To the employ- execution of the measure in the manner ment thus created, the unemployed might or spirit in which it is proposed to be and would repair; those also who were carried into effect, then proceeding on his offered totally inadequate wages, such as own authority, subject, however, to an would eventually send them to the parish appeal to the Quarter Sessions as to the to make them up to a living amount, propriety and fairness of his decision. would resort to the same lawful means of This office would probably fall upon the avoiding pauperism and oppression; and, resident, or, as he is sometimes called, the lastly, those who wish to subsist without working clergyman, and, if so, from all I labour on the parochial funds, would be have witnessed or read in Committees or by this means prevented so doing. In reports of this House, the better, generally

To

be put forth, and worthy of a moment's consideration; it is that founded upon a rigid view of the rights of property. I will speedily dispose of this objection, so as to convert it into an argument in my favour, if there be any longer an honest intention to deal equally in matters of law and equity with the different ranks of society amongst us. In pleading for the restitution of the humble privileges of the poor as I have done, be it recollected that I have not asked for an indemnity for past spoliations, nor for any eleemosynary grants in lieu of them. I merely wish to put it to the House as a simple question of law and policy, whether the demand I make can be with the least colour of justice rejected. Sir, the rights of private property, ever since they have been recognized, have been made to give way to public necessity, or even convenience, not indeed by way of sacrifice, but for a reasonable compensation. Thus in the country the public road is projected, and when created, widened, shortened, or changed in its direction, or even a man's field broken into to obtain the necessary materials, whether in grass or tillage; the canal is dug, or the railway driven through an entire district, principally for the benefit of distant places and persons, so far interfering with the rights of property, and often inconveniently, in hundreds of parishes. In our cities whole streets are demolished, bridges erected, new ap

speaking, would it I think be for the poor. He was the individual contemplated in the Bill of the present Lord Chancellor when he proposed his benevolent measure touching education, to this House, which demanded local superintendence and management; but perhaps the appointment should not be thus fixed by law, but left to the parishioners, the poorest, however, in this case having their votes, or to the Magistrates of the division, as the farmers might overawe the poor in their choice; but this I leave to the wisdom of this House to determine. The office, by whomsoever undertaken, would be a thankless and unprofitable one, but its best and indeed high reward would be, the consciousness of largely administering to the public prosperity, as well as serving to an almost indescribable extent the deserving and industrious poor. Its conjoint duty would be, to select sites, and cause the erection of a certain number of cottages necessary for the decent accommodation of the labouring poor of the parish; to see that these and the cottages already in being had good and sufficient gardens attached to them, adjacent if possible, or at a convenient distance; if otherwise, to determine upon those labourers, according to the qualifications already stated, who shall have the advantage of keeping their cow, and to fix upon the conveniences for their so doing; to apportion, where such a measure would be found necessary, a plot of land as a work-proaches formed, nay, extensive alterations field for the unemployed poor; and lastly, often carried into effect, whose sole appato ascertain that all these advantages rent object is ornament and display; yet were obtained at a current and reasonable all of these demand, and on such terms as rate as to rent. This officer I would de- the law prescribes, the surrender of private nominate Guardian, or Protector of the property, and the often unwilling removal Poor, investing him with powers to carry from their accustomed situations and esthese propositions into effect, but im-tablished means of subsistence, of numbers posing upon him no duty as to receiving of individuals. Now, I deny that while or disbursing any of the sums required for the object in any such instances, however realizing the measure. That this plan proper in itself, is at all comparable in shall stand clear from a multitude of fri-importance to the one at issue, however volous, or even from some real objections, is more than I anticipate. I defy, however, its opponents to advance any objections against the measure in the slightest degree comparable in magnitude to that of allowing things to remain as they are, to the utter destruction of the comforts and morals of the poor, and the imminent peril of the peace of society. I will only take up the further time of the House while I anticipate one of these, and it shall be that which I think will alone

regarded, yet I maintain, that the liberty taken with property in any of these cases is infinitely greater than that which I propose; and yet that is never urged as a valid ground of objection against extensive and important improvements. Show me then an improvement in any one point of view at all comparable to that which promises to give happiness, peace, and prosperity to millions of the people; which would beautify instead of deforming the face of the country; which would increase

its value and multiply its resources; in a law once more interpose its sacred shield, word, which should restore to the poor, and and protect the defenceless and the upon just and adequate terms, the privi-wretched from the miseries which they leges which they once gratuitously pos- have too long endured. With these obsessed, and without which it is impossible servations, I beg leave to move to bring in that they should subsist in comfort, or a Bill, having for its object, to better the continue in peace, and which would condition of the labouring poor. effectuate all this by the slightest possible Mr. Cripps said, he seconded the Mosacrifice-by none whatever, indeed, when tion with great pleasure, as he hoped it properly computed. Sir, I would fain would lead to beneficial results. He behope that in this House the condition of lieved and hoped the hon. Gentleman was the poor will still meet anxious considera- generally correct in the views he had tion that here their wrongs will find taken, but there was one point in which redress. The suggestions of private be- he in some degree differed from him. nevolence, aided indeed by the soundest He could not altogether agree with the views of policy and interest, have long hon. Mover in the view taken of the been urged in vain; their wrongs have effects of large enclosure acts. He believed gone on increasing, and will never be that great benefit had often arisen to the redressed except this House interfere. poor from the inclosure of waste lands, Let it do so then, and without delay. Let inasmuch as it had made that which was wealth allow that poverty which inces- previously of little value, worth much more santly labours for its benefit, a comfortable by the labour which had been employed abode wherein to rest. Let those who upon it, and by these means, as well as by demand their summer toil, give them the capital laid out upon it by the propri means of employment and subsistence in etors in the vicinity, who were interested the winter season; let the cry of them in its improvement by the additional value that reaped our fields come up before the which thereby attached to their former Lord of the harvest, that Deity who is no properties; the land in such situations respecter of persons, or, if he be, who is was rendered more useful and productive. the respecter of the poor and needy. If Another question, however, in which he feelings of justice and gratitude no longer fully concurred with the hon. Mover was, sufficiently prevail, let those of just ap- that there was little doubt but that, were prehension and of awakened fear be the labour upon our farms done solely by added. Recollect the mighty power with English labourers, there would be no whom we have to deal. Like another redundancy of the labouring population Sampson we may deem it blind, and felt. There was as little doubt, too, that doomed to grind at the mill for our plea- one of the severest evils this class exsure and convenience, but let the econo-perienced was in the deficiency of houses mists and politicians take care how they sport much longer with its awakened feelings, lest the spirit of vengeance and of strength return upon it, and it bow itself mightily against the pillars of your unrighteous system, and destroy the social structure, though itself perish in its ruins. But, Sir, I hope and believe that this House will listen to the suggestions of kindness and benevolence;-that it will support a measure which demands the permanent sacrifice of none of the property of the country, but which, on the contrary, would greatly lighten the burthens it now sustains, and, above all, would give prosperity and peace to our rural poor. Let the House, then, assume its noblest character, that of the protector of the poor, and, seeing that the suggestions of humanity, and the dictates of policy have been long disregarded, let the

and cottages for the poor in respect of number. Much comfort and health would result from a fair and proper apportionment of garden ground to each tenement. The garden ground should not be so large that it would afford occupation altogether to the labourer, so as to render him independent enough to decline hiring out his services upon the farms in the neighbourhood. It was difficult to say whether the object could be in this instance best accomplished by the interference of Government itself, or by the voluntary efforts of land proprietors, throughout those counties to which allusion had been so feelingly made by the hon. Mover.

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Lord Althorp said, that he entirely concurred - as, unfortunately, he was obliged to do-in the hon. member for Aldborough's description of the distress

of the poor; and he had been very anxious to hear what the remedies were which the hon. Member proposed to alleviate that evil. Those remedies, as he understood, were to give habitations to the labouring poor, and to attach small portions of ground to them as gardens. He was inclined to think, that providing small gardens to be cultivated by the poor was a desirable thing; but he thought that benefit could not be so well attained by legislative enactment as by private arrangement. The mode in which the hon. Member intended to effect his object -namely, by an Act of Parliamentappeared to him not to be free from considerable difficulties. At the same time, as the hon. Member had bestowed such pains on all matters connected with this subject, he thought it desirable that the House should agree to give him leave to bring in his Bill. The Bill would then be placed on the Table and printed, and hon. Members and the country would have an opportunity, before another Session, of considering how the law would operate.

ungifted with the sympathies of humanity, was not following the candid course which he should have expected from his hon. friend. He agreed with him as to the necessity of affording better habitations. for the poor; although he was of opinion with the hon. Member who spoke second, that it would be a very great evil to increase them to too great an extent. Upon the question of redundancy he should not say one word. He believed the laws of population being imposed by nature had best be left to themselves. He might observe, however, that if the Poor-laws were so administered as to place the married man in a better situation than the single man, they did interfere with the natural check to redundancy which would otherwise exist. With regard to the proposition for making allotments of small portions of land to cottagers, there could not be the least objection to it; on the contrary, it was now universally admitted, that the adoption of a general measure of this nature would be most beneficial. Not merely a feeling of benevolence and humanity would dictate the course marked out by his hon. friend, but even when the

Mr. Slaney expressed his gratitude to the hon. Member for Aldborough for the pains which he had taken with this sub-matter was regarded as a question of selfject. He doubted, however, whether the hon. Member had explained the whole cause of the mischief to which he had directed the attention of the House. The hon. Member had represented the condition of the peasantry of this country to be one of great depression and degradation. He admitted, with regret, that in some parts of the Kingdom their condition was deplorable; but that was not the case in all parts of the country. There was a marked and distinct difference between the condition of the peasantry in the orthern and in the southern portion of the country. He believed that the cause of the depression of the poor in the southern part of the country was the abuse and mal-administration of those laws which were intended to protect and support them. To provide a remedy, then, for these evils it was necessary to go back to those laws, amend them where they were defective, and, above all, provide for a due administration of them. He should have hailed the speech of the hon. member for Aldborough with unmingled pleasure, but for the hard terms with which he was pleased to assail the political economists of the day. To have held that class of persons up to the detestation of the country, as

interest, the inducement was strong to embrace the measures he recommended. If the poor man had his small piece of land to cultivate, a powerful stimulus was held out to his industry, and he was raised from his present depressed condition, which had, in many parts of the country, completely demoralized and debased the character of the peasantry. By adopting this course, the poor-rates would, in a short time, be reduced materially, and thus a service would be rendered both to the landlord and the tenant. Nothing could be more absurd or pernicious than to suppose that it could be beneficial to the landlord or tenant that there should be a high poor-rate and a low rate of wages. He entreated the attention of the House for a few minutes to a paper relative to the local taxation in three of the southern and three of the northern counties of England. In the southern counties the bad system had been acted upon of placing the labourers upon the poor-rates, and making an allowance in proportion to the man's family; and in some of these counties the poor-rates were, according to the official returns, more than double, and sometimes triple the amount of the rates assessed upon the parishes in the northern counties