Imagini ale paginilor
PDF
ePub

priation Clause of 1820, relating to Military Half-pay, was cancelled; also, what would have been the increased Expense to the public, for one year, from July, 1830, to July, 1831,

if the Appropriation Clause of 1820 had been restored in 1830; also, Copy of a Treasury Minute of 1810; stating the necessity of authorizing, in certain cases, the issue of Allowances to Half-pay Officers equal to their Half-pay, to induce them to accept such Civil Offices; similar Returns to be furnished for Half-pay Officers of the Navy and

Marines, as far as the same may apply to the Officers of those services.

The usual Sessional Addresses preparatory to closing the Petitions presented. By Sir ROBERT FERGUSON, from the

Parliament were agreed to.

Merchants of Londonderry, concerned in the Linen

Trade, praying for the re-enactment of such parts of 6th George 4th, cap. 122, as relate to the import and inspec

tion of Flaxseed. By Mr. M'KINNON, from Inhabitants of Marylabone and Paddington, for a Bill to include the Bull in the provisions of Mr. MARTIN'S Act. By Mr. BOLTON KING, from the Warwick Political Society, for the

Repeal of the duties on Newspapers and Cheap Publications, and another Petition from the same Society for the abolition of Slavery. By Mr. RAMSAY, from the Malt

sters and Farmers of the County of Stirling, against the

Repeal of the Mait drawback. By Mr. HUNT, from the Inhabitants of Birmingham, for a remission of the

Sentence on Robert Taylor.

GENERAL REGISTRY BILL.] Mr. Ewart presented a Petition from the Corporation of Liverpool, against the General Registry Bill. The petitioners feared the Bill would greatly tend to increase litigation, and cause much inconvenience to persons desirous to transfer landed property.

Mr. John Campbell said, that undoubtedly the petition was entitled to consideration, but the petitioners were wholly mistaken in supposing the Bill would increase litigation. One of its great objects was, if personswould but observe ordinary caution, entirely to prevent litigation. Under the existing system, it was impossible for any person, even acting under the most skilful advice, to secure himself from litigation. When a Register Office was established, a purchaser, by inspecting the index, could obtain quite as much information relating to any property as the seller himself possessed.

Sir Edward Sugden maintained, that many of the provisions of the Bill were of a very injurious tendency-a fact which he would be prepared to shew whenever the measure came to be discussed. He believed that the evils would more than counterbalance the benefits.

Mr. Crampton did not think the hon. and learned Gentleman would be able to substantiate his objections to the Bill.

Mr. Hunt was of opinion that the Bill would occasion great inconveniences. There was no difficulty in making titles by the present system. He had bought and sold several estates, and had no cause to complain.

Mr. O'Connell observed, that there was no civilized country in the world but England that was not in possession of some such institution. He therefore regretted that the hon, and learned member for St. Mawes had brought the weight of his authority against it, in a summary manner, without assigning his reasons. He was convinced that the adoption of the Bill would be a great public benefit.

Sir Edward Sugden claimed credit to himself for the purity of the motives by which he was actuated in opposing the measure. He did not dare, however, to consent to any change in our legal system which he thought erroneous, although he

had a sincere desire to correct what could be proved to be wrong. He was as little in love with the abuses of our legal institutions as the hon. and learned Gentleman, and would endeavour to show that he was quite as competent to form an opinion of the merits of any scheme to remedy them. He knew something of the system of registration which existed in Ireland, from having had many Appeal cases to argue, and he believed that it caused a great deal of mischief.

Mr. John Campbell was convinced, that the objections which had been raised against the Registration Bill were wholly owing to ignorance and artful misrepresentation. He would, at the commencement of the next Session, bring forward a Bill (it was then too late to persist in it for the present Session), and he hoped, in the meantime, that a better understanding of its provisions would remove at least the misimpressions of ignorance.

Mr. Daniel W. Harvey conceived the object of the Bill to be most desirable, but was not then prepared to say whether the present Bill was calculated to attain it.

Sir Edward Sugden said, the hon. and learned Member had said the Bill was opposed by misrepresentation. He hoped he was not liable to any such imputation.

Mr. John Campbell said, he by no means intended to allude to his hon. and learned friend, but it was true, the Bill had been opposed by the grossest misrepresentation. It had been said, the Bill was to have a retrospective effect, that title-deeds were to be locked up in a mausoleum, and that London Attornies must be consulted in every transaction relating to landed property. These were all gross errors, but the opposition to the Bill was founded upon such delusions.

Petition to be printed.

CONFIDENCE IN MINISTERS.]

Mr.

tice over monopoly and corruption, and the hearts of a grateful nation will be their shield against the taunts and calum

Crampton presented a Petition from Gal-nies of an interested Opposition. Carlow,

way, praying for the extension of the franchise of that town to the Catholic inhabitants.

the county which I have the honour to represent, long subject to every species of oppression, did, on the first gleam of liberty, forcibly exhibit in the cause of Reform an enthusiasm which nothing can subdue; for ten days previous to the late election, all country business ceased-a bold, good-humoured mien, so characteristic of Irishmen, was conspicuous. Their motto "The King, the Bill, and the People." The game was quickly up. 30,000 people assembled on the first day of the election, free from the slightest ten

Mr. George Robinson said, he availed himself of that opportunity, when petitions were presented relating to an alteration of the franchise, to declare, that though he had voted with the majority of last night, he was most anxious to have it understood that his vote of confidence in the present Government was grounded entirely on the support which they had given to the Reform Bill. There were many points on which he differed from the pre-dency to riot or outrage, and had the poll sent Ministry, and on which he must still continue to differ from them; but no man who supported them on all points would go along with them more heartily than he would in supporting the Reform Bill.

Mr. Blackney: Sir, I feel anxious to be identified with my countrymen in an expression of confidence in the integrity of his Majesty's Ministers, and of gratitude for their great measure of Reform, carried so triumphantly through this House, on the final success of which mainly depend the security of our institutions, and the tranquillity of our country. Sir, although I wish to view the unhappy decision in another place in the most favourable light, yet I cannot divest myself of the impression of there being on the part of those who composed that majority, much of selfish and mercenary feelings. I shall briefly state why I consider the measure of Reform universally popular in Ireland: -Hitherto, as a Magistrate, I have witnessed scenes of oppression, which bound me in sympathy with the more humble, but not less virtuous class of my unfortunate countrymen. Their sufferings, their privations, were truly afflicting their patience, their submission, although in a manner unbecoming the national character, were yet, under existing circumstances, beyond all praise. Was this an order of things to be endured for ever? Then did his Majesty's Ministers call for the Reform with the sanction of a patriot King. Virtuous men have, in the eleventh hour, wisely and boldly determined to save the country-they took their stand under happy auspices; they depended upon the people, and they have not been deceived. Theirs will be the triumph of virtue and of jus

proceeded, we should have had, on the following day, double that number of patriots to witness the triumph of the Reformers. Sir, this is not a statement of public feeling highly coloured, nor is it confined to Carlow; a similar feeling prevails in Kilkenny and Wexford; with these counties I am connected, and as I hold in them his Majesty's Commission of the Peace, am well acquainted with the character of the people, and I am bold to say, that there, as in the adjoining counties of Kildare, the Queen's County, and Tipperary, the spirit is now such, that the constituency would not support any candidate, whatever may be his other qualifications, unless he professed himself a decided Reformer. This being the general feeling in Ireland at this fearful crisis, I conjure his Majesty's Government and this House to conciliate that country, if they value the connexion. Its people wait with breathless anxiety the result of this all-important measure; in its details do them justice, and you ensure their invaluable attachment; treat them after the old fashion, and your tenure is not of value for one year's purchase. A faction in that country has long kept an unseemly position, which, as they cannot much longer maintain, so have they become desperate, and would, in the indulgence of their unhappy prejudices, goad the people to acts of outrage, then take fiend-like advantage of the chaos, even at the risk of being involved themselves in the general ruin. The Reform question has aroused the nation; it should be advanced with decision and confidence. His Majesty's Ministers have nothing to fear; the people of England are all with them, and if they but will it,

and treat the empire with common justice, | bludgeons of the police last night, as he then, indeed, the enemies to freedom may was crossing Westminster-bridge, at the prudently retire. I regret, Sir, to have same time with a number of individuals trespassed so far upon the patience of the who were accompanying him (Mr. Hunt) House; I feel sensible of its indulgence. from the Rotunda to the House. Jacob Once more I entreat you to be firm and Wintle had nothing to do with those perconsistent. sons, and yet he had been beaten on each side of his head with the loaded bludgeons of the police, and so deluged with his own blood, that he could not identify the persons who struck him. He came, in consequence, to the House for redress. The hon. Member complained of the bloodthirsty conduct of the police on this occasion, to which, he said, that he had himself been an eye-witness.

Sir Richard Vyvyan was surprised that his hon. friend (Mr. George Robinson) had deemed it necessary to justify his vote. Last night every body knew he could have no reason to support the Ministers, except to promote the Reform Bill-a reason, by the way, for which he was disposed to oppose them.

Petition to be printed.

DRAWBACK ON SOAP.] Mr. Callaghan presented a Petition from the Soap-makers of the city of Cork, praying that the drawback on soap exported from this country to Ireland may be repealed. He was most desirous to direct the attention of Government to the subject, and he now gave notice, that he should, next Session, move the repeal of this drawback, if it should not previously be considered.

Sir John Newport said, the soap sent from England was sold considerably under the price the Irish manufacturers could afford to make it at. In his opinion, not a day should be lost in repealing the drawback.

Mr. Callaghan said, he was very desirous to draw the attention of the House to one material allegation of the petition. He found it therein stated, that in 1824, no trade in soap was carried on between the two countries, but in 1829, the quantity imported into Ireland from England, was 1,500 tons, and in 1830, 2,900 tons, being a larger quantity than was required for the whole consumption of Ireland; the natural inference from which was, that the soap was merely sent across the channel, and then smuggled back into England. The drawback, therefore, operated most injuriously in two ways-it annihilated the Irish manufacture, and decreased the public revenue. He understood there was scarcely a packet came from Ireland to England but what had venture in smuggled soap.

Petition to be printed.

a

CONDUCT OF THE POLICE-CASE OF JACOB WINTLE.] Mr. Hunt presented a Petition from Jacob Wintle, stating that he had been cruelly beaten by the

Mr. Lamb protested against the presentation of a petition which could do no good, and might do harm, when no attempt had yet been made to inquire into the case of the petitioner before the ordinary tribunals. He could assure the hon. Member that there was no intention to screen the police when they used improper violence; at the same time, he must contend, that at all times, and under all circumstances, the police must be upheld by the Magistracy and the executive government. With regard to the mob in question, he had only to say, that its progress was very properly stopped on Westminsterbridge last night. The police had, with great difficulty, cleared the streets before the House; and just as that was done, at eleven o'clock at night, information reached them that a mob of 1,000 persons were coming from the Rotunda to the House with the hon. member for Preston. The police, therefore, warned the mob that they could not proceed further. The mob persisted in their intention to advance. The police determined to prevent them; resistance was made to their efforts, and in the struggle, it appeared that this petitioner, Jacob Wintle, was beaten by the police. The petitioner might be an innocent person; and if he was, then Gentlemen should consider how they collected mobs, as the innocent, by their presence, were often an assistance and protection to the ill-doers. He would do nothing to screen the police, and should be most happy to have a full inquiry instituted into this transaction before the ordinary tribunals.

Sir Robert Inglis entirely agreed with the hon. Member, that the House was not the tribunal before which cases of common assault ought to be brought. He

and superintendence on the part of the parishes.

must bear testimony to the general good conduct of the police; which was a sufficient reason why the House should not listen to such trivial complaints. He did not wish to oppose the reception of the petition, and hoped the hon. Member would withdraw it.

Colonel Trench bore testimony to the firmness, good conduct, and resolution of the police in the transactions of Westminster-bridge, which he accidentally witnessed. He was glad that the hon. Under Secretary thought it injudicious to collect great crowds. He recollected a procession to the King which was justified by hon. Gentlemen opposite, and which was neither legal nor judicious. He had heard that a similar procession was to take place on Wednesday next, and he hoped that the observations which the hon. Gentleman had just now made, would tend to discourage the repetition of a procession which, though it now only shouted and lauded the King, might hereafter turn to other and more dangerous purposes.

Sir Robert Peel said, that there was no act in his official life of which he was more proud, than of the institution of the Police Force. He hoped, however, that the House would not encourage the presentation of such trumpery petitions, as the remarks which they elicited from hon. Members, would have a tendency to prevent that Force from performing its duty in that able and resolute manner which the public tranquillity required.

Sir George Warrender said, the services of the police were, upon all occasions where he had witnessed their conduct, most exemplary and praiseworthy, and he had great pleasure in thanking the right hon. Baronet who had spoken last, for having established that force.

Mr. Hume asked the right hon. Baronet, whether he intended to propose the institution of any inquiry as to the comparative expense of the old and new system of police.

Sir Robert Peel thought, that the subject referred to by the hon. member for Middlesex was a very fit subject for inquiry. He should have no objection to have a Committee to overhaul, and thoroughly examine every species of expense connected with the establishment.

Mr. Wilks said, he very much approved of a Committee being appointed, but he thought the system would be improved, if there could be some sort of co-operation

Mr. Maberly could not permit this opportunity to pass without expressing in the strongest manner his objection to these discussions. That House was not the tribunal for every petty question of riot and assault; if there were no other tribunal that could render justice to the parties, it would be well enough to bring the question here; but he must say, that while there were other tribunals to decide such questions, it was an actual waste of time for the House to discuss them. The House ought to put down such practices. He agreed with the right hon. Baronet, that this petition ought not to be received. He was a friend to the popular right of petitioning, but this was an abuse of that right. He must take this opportunity, too, of adverting to an unfair practice of the hon. member for Preston, in attempting again to speak after the reply of a Gentleman who had introduced notice of a Motion. The hon. member for Preston had a right to do so; but it was a rule of courtesy observed by all other Members of that House not to enforce that right; and that rule of courtesy had been observed by all the Members, until the hon. member for Preston came into it.

Mr. Hunt did not know that that was the rule; and he did not recollect one instance in which he had done what the hon. Member complained of.

The petition laid on the Table.

THE LABOURING POOR.] Mr. Sadler rose to submit to the House his Motion for bettering the condition of the Labouring Poor, and began by observing upon the great importance of the subject, and the necessity of treating it in detail. He therefore, though very reluctantly, felt himself obliged to divide the subject; and, deferring to another occasion, and the first that might occur, the consideration of a measure in behalf of the manufacturing poor, he should then principally address himself to the state of the agricultural poor, with a view to ameliorating their condition. He disclaimed, in taking up these subjects,any pretension to superior benevolence, and in stating the' reasons which had induced him to address himself, of late, principally to such matters, he must express a hope that the House would do justice to his motives in so acting. The subject, he maintained, was of paramount importance, however, com

pared and considered. Paley had asserted which will never be surpassed while Engit to be the first duty of the Legislature to land shall continue to have a name or a place take care of the poor; and a benevolent among the nations. Sir, the agricultural writer of a former century had emphati- peasantry are now prostrated: this then is cally declared, that, were a whole Session the time to listen to their just complaints; so employed, it would be spent more to the this is the moment to redress their grievhonour of God and the good of society ances; and it is a duty which sound policy, than on any other subjects in which the as well as humanity, will not allow to be noblest patriots could engage. "If this," postponed. Delay will render the attempt continued the hon. Member, "were true in more difficult, and at last hopeless. No former times, and under ordinary circum- subject, I will venture to affirm, however stances, how stands the case at the present important in itself or momentous in its reperiod? What is now the condition of your sults, is at all comparable in its urgency or poor; and in the first place of your agricul- magnitude to this-the serious and timely tural poor? It is a condition, the consider- consideration of the deplorable condition, ation of which you cannot evade if youwould, with a view to its permanent amelioration, of and ought not if you could. Let those the millions of our labouring, but suffering fears which have been but recently allayed, and degraded poor. What, Sir, is that conif, indeed, they can yet have subsided, dition? I have spoken, I think, of the diffiteach us in time an impressive lesson. It culties of my present attempt, and I feel them would be a gross and fallacious libel upon most sensibly; but, alas, the making out the character of the industrious peasantry my case, that of the sufferings and degraof England, heretofore the most contented dation of our labouring poor, is not one of and meritorious class of society among us, those difficulties. Many other classes of if the insubordination which has been but society have, it may be hoped, advanced in recently, if yet fully subdued, and which the general career of human happiness and exhibited them at once reckless of crime prosperity: this class, however, has visibly and fearless of its punishment, has not a and lamentably retrograded; till at length cause answerable in its character to the few of those who compose it have anything calamitous consequences it has occasioned. left to surrender, anything further to fear. To doubt this, would be to give way to a We live, Sir, in a period of great changes; grosser infatuation than any to which they but none of them, whether completed or have unhappily yielded. Let me illustrate in progress, and which still agitate society this by one of the most striking and ap- around us, at all equal in anything but palling incidents latterly recorded in our name, the revolution which has taken place history. At a previous and hardly more in the state and condition of our agriculalarming period than we have just witness-tural poor in many parts of the country, ed, a similar spirit broke out among another important class of our countrymen I allude to the time when the Navy of England became mutinous. How did you act at that most trying moment? You put down, indeed, and with a strong hand, the alarming insubordination. But that done, you entered upon that which was equally your duty, and one which you ought previously to have discharged, when it would have spared the country the fear and shame with which it was then overwhelmed. You inquired into the wrongs of the British tars; you found them to be numerous and insupportable, and you redressed them. The rest need not be told. You performed your duty, and they did theirs-how nobly, can never be forgotten: they went forth and wreathed the brow of their country with fresh and unfading laurels; they won those triumphs which had never previously been equalled, and

and which has hardly left a wreck behind' of all their former prosperity and happiness. Long placed in an enviable situation compared with those of any other country, from them our moralists drew their proofs of the equal dispensations of human happiness--our poets, their loveliest pictures of simple and unalloyed pleasures-our patriots, their best hopes as to the future destinies of the country; while their humble abodes, the cottages of England,surrounded by the triumphs of their industry, were as distinguished by their beauty as were their inmates for their cheerfulness and contentment. Hope still brightened this humble, but happy condition, and the prospect of advancement in life was then ever open to the peasant's persevering industry, and the means were within his reach. I need not trace this progress step by step; the path of prosperity was open to him, or to those dearer to him than himself, his children,

« ÎnapoiContinuă »