from him to desert the service of the King while his Majesty thinks our services valuable, and we ourselves think we can advantageously serve his Majesty. But we can no longer serve his Majesty advantageously if we sacrifice our character. Whatever may be the consequences of our retirement, it is our duty not to sacrifice our character. We owe also a great deal to the people. We have been supported by the people in the most handsome manner. The people have a right to demand that we should not desert them while our stay in office can conduce to their benefit. Sir, I will further state, that I will not be a party to the proposal of any measure less efficient than that lately passed in this House. I do not mean to say, that after the discussion and consideration which the measure underwent, some modification may not be made in it which, without diminishing its efficiency, may render it more complete. But what I mean to say is, that I will be no party to any measure which I do not conscientiously believe will give the people a full, free, and fair Representation in Parliament, and secure all the objects which we hoped to effect for them by the late Bill. It is impossible that his Majesty's present Government can make any other proposition to the House. I admit that the opponents of the Bill have had a great triumph; although, in the present Debate, with the exception of one hon. Gentleman, no great triumph has been expressed. But I am confident that the measure is only postponed. I am satisfied that if the people of England will be firm and determined, but at the same time peaceable and quiet, there can be no doubt of their ultimate and even speedy success. There is one, and only one, chance of failure and disappointment; I mean any occurrence that may lead the people to break out into acts of violence, or into any unconstitutional conduct. If I have any influence with the people, if they put any trust in my sincerity, I implore them, for the sake of the great cause in which we are engaged, to be patient and peaceable, and to do nothing illegal and unconstitutional. I would say to them, "Be as firm, be as determined, be as persevering as you please; but never break through legal and constitutional restraints; never place yourselves in a situation in which the law must be put in operation against you whoever are Ministers." By temperance, steadiness, and perseverance the cause of Parliamentary Reform must ultimately triumph. Whether my colleagues and myself are destined to have the honour of success upon that question as Ministers, or whether, as in the Catholic Question, after having fought the battle, others are to enjoy the glory of the victory, I know not; but as long as I have any voice in the direction of public affairs, I will use my utmost exertions in the cause of Parliamentary Reform. Mr. Hunt said, he felt very much delighted at hearing the noble Lord, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, recommending peace and obedience to the laws, the more especially as the public Press was inciting the people to acts of violence. He was persuaded, however, that the noble Lord need not be alarmed. Notwithstanding the instigations of the press, in his opinion the people would not commit any acts of violence. When the House of Lords threw out the Bill, the people had been recommended to preserve peace. There was no reason for such a recommendation. Where had there been any violence? Where had any multitudes of the people assembled ? Had hon. Members seen the people in great numbers in their way to the House? When the Catholic Question was under discussion, the assemblage of people in the neighbourhood of the House was twenty to one as compared with the assemblage of that day; when the Corn bill was under discussion, they were as a hundred to one. The newspapers of that morning had said that all the shops were to be closed, and that papers with the words " no taxes," were to be posted on the shutters. He had put his horse to, and had driven through Westminster, and the City, and over London Bridge, and so to Blackfiiar's Road, and in the whole of that distance he had not observed a single act of violence, and had seen only one shop with a single shutter up, on which was exhibited the word "Reform," in mourning. He had been asked why he was not in the Regent's Park that morning. His answer was, that he had no business there, and that he had not been invited. He had, however, been at a meeting that night elsewhere, and, being asked, had taken the chair. The meeting consisted of between two and three thousand persons. He thought he could not do better than submit to that meeting the proposition which the noble Lord had submitted to the House; and the result was, that when the question | people, a thing of which he (Mr. Hunt) was put, seven hands were held up in should have been ashamed at any time favour of the proposition, and above 2,000 within the last ten years. Did any policeagainst it. He had told the meeting that men interfere on the occasion? It would he had no confidence in his Majesty's Mi- have been very foolish if they had. But nisters. And why? Because they came coming over Blackfriar's Bridge that in on pledges of Economy, Retrenchment, evening, a number of people had surand Reform, which pledges they had rounded his (Mr. Hunt's) carriage, and violated. The kind of Reform which they had requested to be allowed to draw him, proposed, he had never advocated in his but he declined it. The police neverthelite; and he was sure it would give no less interfered, and drove the people away satisfaction to the people at large. [much with sticks. There never was a measure noise and coughing, and calls of "Ques- respecting which the people had been so tion." grossly imposed upon as they were by the Reform Bill. It was not so much by Ministers as by their agents of the Press that the people had been so deceived. The Press endeavoured to make the people believe that they were to have everything they ought to have; and yet seven-eighths of the people were excluded from the elective franchise. He (Mr. Hunt) had all his life contended that every man in the community should have a share in the Representation. Nothing would, and nothing ought, to satisfy the people of England but householders' suffrage, and Triennial Parliaments. The line limiting the franchise to 107. householders was most absurd and unjust. Mr. Croker rose to order. He hoped the House would listen to the hon. member for Preston, as he seldom troubled them at any great length. Mr. Hunt proceeded. His Majesty's Ministers had come in on a pledge of Economy and Retrenchment. How had they redeemed it? When they were in opposition they opposed the grant of 16,000l. for the Propagation of the Gospel, and proposed that it should be reduced to 8,000., and the next year totally withdrawn. When they came into power, they ob ained the whole 16,000l. Who were so loud as the present Ministers when in opposition against the extravagancies of Windsor Castle? And yet they who complained so loudly of the expense of the furnishing of Windsor Castle, obtained an additional grant of 10,000l. for furnishing two rooms. They had increased the army and the navy-they had called out the yeomanry and the militia. Was that economy? When the Committee on the Civil List-a Committee appointed by the present Ministers, brought in their Report, recommending a reduction of 12,000l., that recommendation was rejected. Was that retrenchment? They then proposed an annuity of 100,000l. to the Queen, in the event of the King's death. If a Tory Administration had made such a proposition, what a clamour would have been raised against them! [coughing.] If the noise continued he would move an adjournment. The present Ministers had instituted no inquiries into subjects respect ing which the people complained. They had proposed no investigation into the case of the Deacles, or into the occurrences at Newtownbarry, or Castlepollard. How could he have any confidence in men who had so conducted themselves? He understood that the Lord Chancellor had allowed himself to be drawn in his carriage by the Lord Ebrington said, he thanked the right hon. Gentleman, the member for Tamworth, for reminding him of an omission he had made, and that was the foreign policy of the present Government. He thought the gratitude of the country was due to them, and to the noble Lord especially at the head of the Foreign Department, for the skill, discretion, and ability with which he conducted a most arduous negotiation, and had brought the country safely through all difficulties, which had been aggravated, both in this and the other House of Parliament, by the party of the hon. Gentleman opposite. The Ministers wished to preserve the country from foreign war, and establish peace between two neighbouring countries. No one at the other side, except the hon. member for Preston, had attempted to say there was any re-action in public opinion; and if silence gave consent, their silence admitted this-[cries of" No, no."] Hon. Gentlemen said no; but there had been proof given within the last twenty-four hours which must convince every reasonable man, that there was no alteration in public opinion upon Parliamentary Reform, or that, if there were alteration, it was in an Waterpark, Lord Browne, D. Watson, Hon. R. Brownlow, C. Webb, Colonel Burke, Sir J. Wellesley, Hon. W. L. Callaghan, D. Weyland, Major Carew, R. S. Whitbread, W. H. Whitmore, W. W. Wilbraham, G. Wilde, T. Wilks, J. Williams, W. A. Williams, J. Williams, Sir J. H. Williamson, Sir H. Willoughby, Sir H. Winnington, Sir T. E. Wood, Ald. Wood, J. Wood, C. Wrightson, W. B. Wrottesley, Sir J. SCOTLAND. Adam, C. Campbell, W. F. Chapman, M. L. Grant, Right Hon. C. Mullins, F. W. Agnew, Sir A. Ferguson, R. Fergusson, R. C. Gillon, W. D. PLUNKETT, from the Protestant Freemen of Galway residing in Ballindooley, for the extension of the Galway Franchise to Catholics. For Reform. By Lord NAPIER, from Burslem, Staffordshire:-By the Earl of RADNOR, from Mirfield, Yorkshire:-By the Marquis of DownSHIRE, from Lye-in-the-Waste, in Worcestershire :-By Lord KING, from Wellington, in Somersetshire; and from Nuneaton, Warwick; by the LORD CHANCELLOR, from Bradford, in Yorkshire, signed by between 6,000 and 7,000 persons:--By Lord KING, from the Rate-payers of St. Pancras, in favour of the Select Vestries Bill; and by the Earl of DARTMOUTH, from the Vicar of the same place against it. PRESCRIPTION BILL.-TITHES.] Lord King had two Petitions to present on a different subject from that of the Reform Bill. Both petitions were in favour of the Prescription Bill introduced by the Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, but which was likely to be strangled in this Session as it had been in the last. One of the petitions was from the owners and occupiers of lands to the extent of 5,000 acres in the county of Suffolk; the other from the owners and occupiers of land in Lakenheath, and they prayed that the Bill might speedily pass, as otherwise they would be continually harassed with suits for tithes, as they had recently been, after an exemption for centuries. The Suffolk petitioners stated, that the lands which they held had belonged to the priory of the Isle of Ely, and as such had been exempted from the payment of tithes ; and that they had remained exempt for several centurics, till suits for tithes were recently commenced against them by the Dean and Chapter of Ely, who were lords of the manor, in which lawsuits the petitioners had expended 5,000l. The Dean and Chapter had lately granted a new lease to their own steward of the manor, and by the terms on which it was taken he was bound to prosecute these suits. The Dean and Chapter had also taken fines from them on the renewal of their leases, as if the land had been exempt from the payment of tithes, and had appointed a Vicar of the parish, who, as might be expected, was a non-resident and a pluralist. This disturbance of the ancient order of things, then, came from the clergy, who professed to be averse to all changes, and to be desirous that everything should remain un plaining of Hardships experienced by them in consequence changed, but who, when their own interests of the Game Laws, and praying for an alteration in them. By the Earl of RODEN, from the Inhabitants of Coleraine (Ireland), praying for measures to relieve British Soldiers in Roman Catholic countries from the necessity of joining in Processions contrary to their conscience. By the Earl of CAMPERDOWN, from the Protestant Freemen of Galway, residing in Newtownsmith:-By the Mar were concerned, became arch-disturbers of the peace. Lord Ellenborough considered it his duty to call the attention of the House to an expression which the noble Lord had used with respect to the clergy. The noble Lord Catholic Inhabitants of St. Nicholas, Galway:-By Lord had said that they were the arch-disturbers quis of WESTMEATH, from the Landowners and Freeholders of Clare:-By the Earl of CARNARVON, from the when their own interests were concerned, although under other circumstances they were adverse to all change. But the more he saw of the conduct of the clergy, the more he was convinced there was the grossest injustice in making such a charge against them. Even they themselves had lately come forward with measures of improvement and amendment. He knew the abilities and kindness and excellent disposition of his noble friend, but really these constant attacks on the clergy had a tendency to detract from the position which his noble friend ought to hold in that House, and very much disparaged him. Lord King: Ifthe noble Lord had waited to hear the petition read, he would admit that the charge I made was fully borne out by the facts of it, and that in all respects it was well founded. The petitioners complained that the property they held had been for centuries exempted from tithe, but that the Dean and Chapter of Ely had introduced a claim, and subjected them to great and unnecessary litigation. It was for that reason I said that the members of the Church, however unwilling they were to disturb settled institutions, or to agree to such a change as the late great measure would have effected, are very ready to disturb the settled order of things when it is their interest to do so. Such is the case in the district from whence the petition comes; and if the Bill of the noble and learned Lord does not pass this Session, and if the clergy persevere in their obnoxious claim; I believe they will not be able to resist the odium which in a short time will be raised generally against tithes. Petitions to lie on the Table. Lord King presented the Petition of the inhabitants of Knockbreda against the payment of tithes. Lord Suffield: My Lords, I feel myself called on to make an apology to my noble friend at this side of the House for the remonstrances which, some time ago, I made to the course he was pursuing with respect to the Church, for his attack on it, and the observations with which he accompanied the presentation of some petitions on the subject of tithes. But I confess, my Lords, that the events of the last few days have produced a considerable effect on my mind, and I feel that the conduct of certain of the right reverend Prelates in this House, on a late occasion, has been such as to call for some observation; and, my Lords, I will at once avow, that that con duct has made, in my mind, a considerable alteration respecting them. I speak without any preparation, as I had no idea that any thing would occur to-day to draw the expression of my sentiments from me; but I feel it due to the House, and to that right reverend bench, at once to state, candidly and openly, my feelings. My Lords, I have always looked at the existence of that body in the House as liable to one objection-I always considered that the right reverend bench were at all times ready to throw their weight into the scale in favour of the existing Government. I saw them on all occasions acting along with the Government. I saw them ready and willing to support every Administration until now; but the late events have led me to remark what sort of a Government it is, that the right reverend bench of Prelates are willing to be attached to. So long as the government of the country was arbitrary and oppresive, so long do I find the right reverend Prelates giving it their support; but, as soon as a liberal Government produces a measure for the benefit of the people at large, and for the extension and security of the liberties of the country, so soon do I find the right reverend bench deserting that Administration, and throwing all its power into action against it. The Earl of Carnarvon: My Lords, I rise to order; and I ask whether it is consistent with the order of our proceedings that a noble Lord should, on the presentation of a petition, be permitted to arraign the conduct of any noble Lord, or noble Lords, for the vote which he or they may have given on another occasion. There would be an end to all freedom of discussion and decision if this were to be allowed. The Lord Chancellor: As it is my duty to preserve the order of your Lordships' proceedings as far as it is in my power, and as an appeal has been made to that order, which I feel myself called upon to decide, I must at once state, that, in my opinion, to refer to any speech made in a former debate is contrary to the order of the House; and I say further, that to impute a motive to the speeches, or to pass imputations on the conduct of any noble Lord, is contrary to all usage, and perfectly irregular; and neither here nor in the other House of Parliament is such disorder to be permitted or endured. But I must also be allowed to state, that I did not know that my noble friend adopted any such course, and certainly I did not |