approbation of the principle of Reform; | mentary to his Majesty's Government, as and he must consider it quite unnecessary well as more customary, to give expresthat those should again agitate the subject sion to the confidence of the House in a who had expressed their opinions by voting distinct Resolution. Allow him to say to against the second reading of the Bill. The the hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Thomas object should rather be, to place the subject Duncombe), that he had heard his speech at rest; and he did not think the agitation with great pleasure, and was only prewas likely to be calmed by again renewing vented from giving it great praise by the the discussion. It would be more meet, compliment the hon. Member had thought under the present circumstances, to use proper to pay to him; but that speech the language of wise moderation. The was distinguished by a tone of moderation great majority of the House had no occa- which the majority would do well to adopt. sion to prove by the present Resolution The hon. Gentleman thought it would be their attachment to Reform; and they most unfortunate if his Majesty had no would best support the Constitution, and other alternative to pass the Bill but to best secure their own view of being very create a number of Peers. He said, that moderate, and calming the excited feelings every other measure ought to be adopted of the people on this important subject, by in preference to that, and that such an voting against the Motion. Nothing cer- alternative should be only had recourse to tainly which had happened should make if all other means failed; he was anxious him not adhere to that moderation he re- that the House should not despair, and commended. He could not forget, that on thought that there was yet time to avoid the last time he had addressed the House, the difficulty by meeting the Peers halfhe had expressed his satisfaction that no way. But if the hon. Member entertained personal differences had taken place during any hope of that, was his course wise? the Debate, and the noble Lord's (Lord Why, the Resolution he supported, cut off Althorp) reply had expressed a hope that all hope for ever of moving one step toall animosity would be buried. He knew wards reconciliation. The hon. Gentlenot what necessity there was now to revive man had a stange policy, for while he animosity. It was not justified by the recommended the House to go haif-way, occasion on either side, either in defend- he recommended it steadily to adhere to ing the Administration, or in assigning the the Bill. He hoped to meet the other reasons in detail for withholding confidence House half-way, and he counselled the from the Government. In stating some of House of Commons not to move one step. the grounds for withholding that confi- The tone of the hon. Gentleman's speech dence, he should avoid all acrimonious was that of moderation, but he supported discussion. If the majority thought it a Resolution which cut off all hopes of a advisable to agree to a Resolution to sup- compromise. Was it not evident that port the Bill, in order to place it upon the there was a contradiction between the hon. Records of the House, that was not the Gentleman's speech and the Resolution be time for him to enter into verbal criticism supported? Hon. Members must see, that of the Resolution, for which he certainly the Resolution was a compulsory proposidid not mean to vote. He, however, tion. Another hon. Gentleman had said, doubted, under the circumstances, if it that the provisions of the Bill might have were wise in the noble Lord to call on the been modified had it not been for the obmajority to agree to such a Resolution. stinacy of the Opposition. According to He thought the divisions on the Bill a that, it was the troublesome Opposition sufficient proof of the determination of the which prevented the Bill from being made House to support the Bill, without enter- perfect; but the vote the House was called ing into any such Resolution. That Re-on to come to, implied that it had been solution called upon the House to affirm made perfect by their obstinacy. It was two propositions, not necessarily connect- urged, as one ground for the Resolued. They were called upon to declare in tion, that the Bill had been matured by favour of the Reform Bill, and to declare, discussions the most anxious and laborat the same time, that his Majesty's Go-ious. And the fault he had to find with vernment was deserving of their confidence. the Resolution was, that it implied that He thought it unwise to call on the House this Bill ought to be adhered to, when an to assent to the two propositions in one equally efficient measure might be introResolution, and it would be more compli-duced, which this Resolution would pre

clude them from accepting. Why pledge | ment. The House was called upon to the House to the Bill as it stood, and why express its confidence in the integrity of exclude themselves from accepting another the Ministers, their perseverance, and their measure equivalent to that? The Reso- ability in introducing the Reform Bill, and lution pledged the House to all the pro-in conducting it through the House. He visions of the Bill-it pledged the House to the 107. clause. One of the many provisions, which was much insisted upon, and which was much objected to, was the uniform right of voting given to the 107. householders. Now he had heard it stated, he would not say where, nor by whom, but he had heard it stated by a person of high consideration, that the arguments on the uniform right of voting had gone far to shake his mind, and he should be prepared to listen to extensive modifications. Great improvements, therefore, might be made in this part of the Bill, though he did not say those improvements would be restrictions; on the contrary, in some cases there might be a considerable extension ofthe right of voting. That was a most important part of the Bill. Perhaps some plan might be acceptable which would give that right to small towns at a lower rate, and restrict it to a higher rent in the larger towns: at any rate, the right might be advantageously modified; but if the House agreed to the Resolution, they would pledge themselves against any modification of that or any other of the provisions of the Bill. They might pledge themselves, if they pleased, to adhere to the principle of the Bill, but by pledging themselves to adhere to the provisions, they would prevent all improvement. On these grounds he objected to the Resolution. He doubted the policy of the majority who had supported the Bill pledging itself to adhere to the Bill, but being a member of the minority which had done all in its power to oppose the Bill, he must give his decided opposition to a Resolution which pledged him and the House to that Bill.

He had heard the hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. O'Connell) complain of the weariness and tediousness of discussions; he taunted the Opposition with being the authors of those tedious debates, but the Resolution of which the hon. and learned Gentleman was one of the most strenuous supporters, said, that the Bill had been matured by discussions the most anxious and laborious. The noble Lord's Resolution vindicated the pertinacious opposition, and on these grounds called on the House to support the Bill. The Resolution embraced two subjects-that of Reform, and confidence in the Govern

did not wish by any means to lower the character and weaken the power of the executive Government; and in expressing a difference of opinion from the Resolution, he begged to be understood as not implying any doubt of the personal integrity or perseverance of the Ministers; neither did he express any doubt of their ability in debates; but without doubting their personal integrity, their perseverance, or their skill in debate, he might still be far from placing confidence in them as a Government. He could not, for example, extend his approbation to the manner in which they had introduced the Reform Bill, nor the time of introducing it, both of which were, in his opinion, inconsistent with the interest of the country. The Resolution praised their conduct on these points, and against that part of it he could give a most conscientious vote. There were several other parts of their conduct which he did not approve of. The repeal of the Coal-duties had his approbation, supposing it practicable so far to reduce taxation; but their foreign policy, which he would not enter into, was anything but favourable to the interests of the country; but without stating all his objections to their policy, it was sufficient for him to say, that the Government was not entitled to his confidence on account of the manner in which they had introduced and supported the Reform Bill. The hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. Macaulay) said, that refusing to acknowledge the principles of this Bill would expose them to a greater domestic danger than this country had ever before been exposed to. The hon. and learned member for Calne had told the House to look on the precipice on the brink of which they were standing, and he referred this danger to the conduct of those who had opposed the Reform Bill. The Opposition, however, considered that his Majesty's Ministers were mainly responsible for the crisis, from the extent of the Bill they had introduced, from the time when it was brought forward, and from the manner in which its temporary success had been ensured. He would undertake to say, that in the excitement which had been produced throughout the country, if the Ministers were to propose a bill for the

abolition of the hereditary Peerage, which | high and honourable men, who were capathe hon. and learned member for Kerry said ble of being influenced by reason and argumight speedily become a question, it would ment? and would it not have been more not be difficult to persuade the people that wise to expect to influence the decision of the abolition was consonant to their inter- the other House by reasoning than by ests, and that the peerage was full of anoma- threats-threats that if they did not pass lies, and at variance with their rights. He the Bill, they should be proscribed and could not help complaining of the tone of the exiled like the nobility of France? The hon. and learned Member (Mr. Macauley). hon. and learned Gentleman said, that it He lamented the expressions adopted by was important to produce tranquillity; and, the hon. and learned Gentleman, and therefore, he voted for the Resolution of his observations on the present state of the noble Lord: but, if he wished for trandomestic danger. Why did the hon. and quillity, would he call upon the House to learned Gentleman seek, by stating strange enter into a pledge which excited hopes, principles, and exaggerating difficulties, perhaps encouraged discontent, and kept to increase that danger? Why did he alive agitation? The hon. Member inseek to augment dangerous passions on dulged in prophecies; and he never heard dangerous topics? Why did he not follow prophecies more likely to realise themthe example of the noble Lord? Admit- selves than those of the hon. and learned ting they stood on the brink of a precipice, Member. Instead of calling on the people why did he endeavour to increase their to demand the Bill, why not enjoin them danger, and embarrass the course of Go-to rest satisfied and contented? Why vernment, by inflaming passions which it encourage discontent and dissatisfaction? was so desirable to lull? He must say, Why tell the people how they might resist that the eloquence of the hon. and learned the law, as the hon. and learned Gentleman Gentleman not unfrequently got the better did? The hon. and learned Gentleman of his judgment; and now and then, (Mr. O'Connell) had alluded to the state though there was some semblance of argu- of the metropolis, when an infamous atment in its declamation, when it was ex- tack had been made upon the life of the amined it was found to make rather against Prime Minister, and that Prime Minister than for his side of the question. Then the Duke of Wellington; an act of the the hon. Gentleman had stated, that the basest ingratitude and the greatest wickedHouse of Commons was generally, in re- ness. The hon. and learned Gentleman lation to the House of Lords, in the right, had alluded to the intended attack on and the bills it had sent up to the Lords, the Duke of Wellington. [Mr. Macaulay though at first refused, were afterwards intimated that he had not alluded to any assented to; but if the House of Commons such thing.] No, it was the hon. member had this general means of persuading or for Kerry he was alluding to; who had concompelling the House of Lords to adopt its sidered the attack on a Prime Minister of views, what became of that part of the hon. England, and that Prime Minister the Member's argument which went to state, Duke of Wellington, as the result of bitter that the House of Commons was depend-excitement on this question; but while that ent on the House of Lords? Did not hon. Member had spoken of the base atthat prove that the two Houses were inde-tack on the life of the Duke of Wellington, pendent, co-ordinate powers, and that the opinion of the House of Commons generally prevailed? He was sorry that the hon. and learned Gentleman, in talking of danger, had again introduced menaces into his speech-that he thought it right to menace the House of Lords. The hon. andhon. and learned Gentleman deplored the learned Gentleman's whole argument turned upon the principle of intolerance—I am right, and you are wrong. That was the whole of the hon. and learned Gentleman's assumption. He thought, however, that he was supported by physical power, and then he said, You must give way." Could he not think that he was addressing

not indeed by the middle classes, but by the lowest classes, the hon. and learned member for Calne had explained how they might avoid the penalties of the law, and avoid paying the taxes. Was not that exciting the passions of the people? The

excesses of the people, and their readiness to resist the law, and said it was hardly necessary to make a speech directing them how to show their hostility. He would also say a few words to the other hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. Sheil), who had imitated the hon. and learned Gentleman, but had fallen below him. He would not follow

the hon. and learned Gentleman, being | the facts, for such statements led men to warned by his example, that the ambition meet in other places; and such meetings to make a great attempt does not ensure could not take place, though for a legal success. The sentences of the hon. and object, without exciting apprehensions in learned Gentleman bore the marks of the well-disposed, and without exposing much labour, and were a credit to his the public peace to danger. Great masses industry. He had given the House of men could not meet without exciting apseveral old stories, and among others that prehension. He wished that hon. Memof the Sybil, and on her he thought the bers would warn the people of the conseHouse had already drawn often enough quences of disobeying the law, particularly during these Debates, and he hoped the rules of refusing to pay the taxes. The whole of the House concerning females would, in community was deeply interested in prefuture, be extended to her,and that she would serving obedience to the law. It was not not be suffered again to be present at the for the advantage of the few, but for the Debates. There was another female men- benefit of them all; and those mad proceedtioned by Burke of whom the hon. and ings now talked of would paralyse industry, learned Member reminded him. Mr. suspend commerce, and inflict the most Burke said, that persons who could imitate grievous injury on the lowest classes. the contortions of the Pythian Goddess Again he would say, that the people should thought they had caught her inspiration. be informed that the privileges of the Peers, The hon. and learned Gentleman thought which were now so lightly brought into the whole essence of Toryism might be discussion, were not conferred on the Peers condensed into one short word, and that for the gratification of their personal vanity short word was East Retford. He wished they were not so much personal privihis hon. friend, the member for Hertford, leges, as privileges conferred for the benefit were present, for he could tell the hon. of the whole community, and which had, and learned Member, that he proposed ex- on several occasions, been useful to the tending the franchise of East Retford to people themselves. The independence of Bassetlaw, and it was rather singular that the Peers was a guarantee and security to the hon. and learned Member should have the liberties of the people, and tranquillity selected the act of a good old Whig to would be best preserved by respecting their designate the party of the Tories. He rights. He did not like to trust himself hoped he had not said one word to add to on this subject of the popular excitement; the excitement which existed on the sub- but when he considered the influence of ject to which the Resolution referred, which the Government, he was persuaded that if it was his wish to calm. He understood the same means were employed to excite that his Majesty's Government were to re- an opinion against the Peerage which had tain office; that they still enjoyed the con- been employed on the subject of Reform, fidence of their Sovereign, and still hoped it would not be difficult to produce a very to carry the Bill. There was one thing strong dislike to it. In conclusion, the he thought certain-that they were the right hon. Gentleman declared, that all truest friends to their country who pro- who had voted for the Reform Bill would claimed, not that a majority had a fixed probably vote for the Resolution, while all determination to support the Bill, but a who had opposed the Bill were bound in determination to support the law; and consistency to vote against the Resolution. that all language which tended to influ- Lord Althorp said, I feel all the diffience the passions of the people-all mea-culties of my situation-I feel that this sures which tended to excite their hopes, Motion involves the conduct and character would only end in greater disappointment of the Government, and I therefore waited to all. They ought not to refer to the possi- till the other Members had delivered their bility-they ought not to teach the people opinions, wishing to learn the feeling and that it was easy to refuse the payment of opinions of the House before I stated my taxes-they ought not to exaggerate the own views, or before I undertook the deamount of persons assembled at public fence of any of our measures. I have meetings, and encourage the people to form now heard the opinions of Gentlemen, others. It was easy enough to say that and will take the opportunity of saying a 150,000 men assembled here and 40,000 few words. From the opinions I have men there, but before such assertions were heard, it is stated that the conduct of the made, individuals ought to be correct as to Government has not been such as to de

the first night, the Bill would have been thrown out by an immense majority. It was only after consideration, and after the sense of the country had declared itself in favour of the Bill, that we obtained the small majority that we did obtain. It was not we who excited the feeling in favour of Reform; but, that feeling existing, it would have been very dangerous to have brought in a delusive measure which would have disappointed the people. Undoubtedly, having passed the measure for the Reform of the Representation, by a great majority in this House, and having sent it to the other House of Parliament, we did expect that at least it would have been taken into consideration. In that expectation we have been disappointed. The right hon. Baronet says, that this Motion is unnecessary. I do not mean to say, that my noble friend did not previously tell me of his

serve the confidence of the House. The Officer, that his Majesty's Government right hon. Baronet has adverted to the increased the extent of their measure of financial measures, and to the foreign po. Reform, because they found that they had licy, and to that still more important sub- lost the confidence of the late House of ject-the present state of the public feel- Commons. Now, I will ask, who that ing, for which he holds his Majesty's Go- knew the composition and character of vernment responsible. As to our financial the late House of Commons would, in his measures, I will not now enter into any senses, have proposed to them an extended detail respecting them. Certainly, what measure of Reform in consequence of our I proposed on that subject did not having lost their confidence? Does the meet with the approbation of the House; right hon. and gallant Member recollect but I have the satisfaction, neverthe- the sort of impression which the measure less, to know, that several of my propo- made on its introduction into the late sitions were attended with beneficial con- House? An impression so strong, that I sequences. It has been said, that the re-am convinced if the House had divided on mission of the tax on coals has not been productive of any good effect. In the immediate neighbourhood of town I allow that it has not; but in the remoter districts prices have fallen. Then, with respect to the remission of the tax on printed cottons, I have the satisfaction of knowing, that in the manufacturing districts it has had a great and beneficial effect. So that, admitting that the larger portion of the measures which I proposed did not experience the concurrence of the House, yet others have given much relief. On our foreign policy I will also abstain from entering into details. But we have the satisfaction to say, that we have preserved peace. One of the first pledges that we gave on entering upon office was, that we would endeavour to do so. We have redeemed that pledge, and there is no danger whatever that the present peace will be broken. As to the other and most import-intention to propose such a motion; but ant point to which the right hon. Baronet the step was taken entirely without our alluded, namely, the present state of the suggestion. The object of the Motionpublic feeling, I maintain that for that whether right or wrong it is not for state the present Government are not ac- me to say is, that if the House thinks countable. When we came into office, that the removal of the present Ministers we found a strong and universal desire from his Majesty's Councils would have existing for Parliamentary Reform. That a disastrous effect on public affairs, desire had been increasing for many years. it was desirable that the House should The right hon. Baronet and his friends express a strong confidence in those Miniswere obliged to acknowledge its existence; ters. It may be necessary that I should and so strongly had it operated on the speak frankly and freely on the subject. right hon. Baronet's mind, that he allowed For myself, I declare that unless I felt a it had induced him on one occasion (be- reasonable hope that a measure as efficient fore the introduction of the late Bill) to as that recently passed in this House might abstain from voting in that House on the be secured by our continuance in office, I question of Reform. Such was the state would not continue in office an hour. of feeling when we came into office, and Whenever that hope ceases, I will cease to when my noble friend at the head of Ad-hold office. Both my colleagues and ministration gave that pledge on the sub-myself owe too much to our Sovereignject of Reform which was consistent with we are too deeply indebted for the kindall the principles of his public life. It has ness, the candour, the frank sincerity been insinuated by a right hon, and gallant which we have uniformly experienced