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could do so without experiencing a certain the seat. But I gave those pledges to degree of difficulty and embarrassment, those whom I have the honour to represent, it might naturally be expected, that on an because, although in some respects it did occasion like this, that difficulty and that not go to the full extent of my own opinembarrassment would be increased ten-fold. ion, the Bill appeared to me to unite the But so momentous are the circumstances suffrages of a larger portion of the people under which the House is at present as- of England in its favour, than I had consembled, so awful is the crisis of public ceived it possible could have been accomaffairs under which I feel myself called plished by any measure that any set of men upon to address you, that I must confess could have devised. Sir, before I proceed the sense of the importance of the occasion to the particular subject of my Motion, I supersedes all that private and personal shall take the liberty of calling the attenfeeling which has weighed so heavily on tion of the House to the circumstances me at other times, and gives me a degree under which my hon. friends near me of encouragement which I never before were called to administer the affairs of felt, in my humble endeavour to perform this country. I will not go into the details the great and solemn duty which I have of that appalling period-a period so apthis night engaged to discharge. Sir, I palling, that I almost despaired of the have, moreover, the satisfaction of knowing, possibility of discovering any means by that the fate of the Motion which I shall which society might be restored to its do myself the honour of submitting to the proper and healthy state. In saying this, House, will not be determined by any I have no wish to revert to any occurrence, arguments which my feeble voice may for the purpose of throwing unnecessary urge in its favour. I am well aware that odium on the predecessors of his Majesty's there are sitting around me many indivi- present Government. But this I may at duals of great and acknowledged ability, least say, that without having recourse to who have read the signs of the times, and any extraordinary exercise of force, withwho are acquainted with the circumstan-out proposing any new penal enactment, ces in which the country is placed, much better than I can pretend to be, and who are ready to support me in the course which I humbly propose to take. Their statements and their arguments will give ten-fold force and impression to any thing that I may be able to say on the subject. I have also, Sir, the satisfaction of knowing, that the course which I am about to recommend to this House is simply a confirmation of that which they have already declared to be their opinion. And I am convinced that the House of Commons, which has had the virtue and the manliness to acknowledge its own deficiencies, and to pass a bill for its own reformation, will not be at the present time disposed to recede from maintaining its own consistency, from vindicating its own rights, and from redeeming those pledges which its Members have so solemnly given to their constituents. Sir, I do not deny that I am one of those by whom such pledges have been given. I did not give those pledges for the paltry purpose of securing my seat in this House; for I believe that if such had been demanded of me, I might, from feelings of perhaps false delicacy, and false pride, have considered the demand as implying suspicion of my conduct, and might have refused both the pledge and

his Majesty's Government did succeed in restoring the tone and security of society, and in putting an end to the scenes of conflagration and disturbance which desolated the southern counties of the kingdom; and moreover, that they framed a measure, which, as I have before said, was satisfactory to a greater extent than could possibly have been anticipated, to those powerful and influential middle classes, among whom, I am sorry to say, were to be found many who were not exempt from the discontent which previously prevailed. But, Sir, has the Reform Bill, which was agreed to by this House after such long and such frequent discussions, has it prevented my hon. friends from doing any thing else for the benefit of the country during the last twelve months? Have the poor of the country derived no benefit from the taking off the tax upon coals and candles? Has the moral, and thinking, and reflecting part of the community no cause for satisfaction in the repeal of the Game Laws, which, in spite of the exertions of the humane and enlightened, aided by the support of the right hon. Baronet opposite, had continued, session after session, to defy the strenuous and repeated attempts made to procure their abolition? Has the suitor in Chancery gained nothing by the

gigantic measures of that great man, of whose almost super-human eloquence in another place I will not speak-has his suitor in Chancery gained nothing by the gigantic efforts to clear the Augean stable of all that accumulated load which has so long oppressed the unfortunate suitor in that Court? These, Sir, are some of the grounds on which I think my hon. friends near me have a right to claim the support and confidence of the House. I may, perhaps, be suspected of taking a partial view of their conduct. Undoubtedly, strong habits of private and public regard have grown out of that intimate knowledge which I have possessed for above a quarter of a century of the worth and integrity of my noble friend below me. But, entertaining as I do this predilection for him, I will not be of him, I will not be of any man, the flatterer, or the unqualified panegyrist. I am not, as we were told we were in former debates, I am not

to God he may, his station at the head of the affairs of this country, he will hereafter abandon that too temporizing policy which has in some instances marked the measures of his Administration. This advice I trust my noble friend will not despise; for I can assure him that it is the opinion of many other staunch friends of the present Government, and I feel the less scruple in expressing it, as there is hardly any service which I am not willing to perform for this Government, except that of taking an official situation under them. Sir, in speaking of the merits of my noble friend. the Lord Chancellor, I omitted to state one or two things which redound as much to that noble and learned Lord's honour as any of those matters which I have described. I omitted to state, that with a generosity inferior only to his sense of public duty, he reduced the emoluments of his situation to 7,000l.; emoluments which, arising from fees in bankruptcy, in "addictus jurare in verba magistri." a former year accumulated, as I have been For, with all my respect for my noble told, to 23,000l. And in establishing a friend and his colleagues, I am free to say, Court of Bankruptcy he has refused, in that I think their Administration is justly compensation of the sacrifice which he chargeable with certain errors, which, has made, any addition to his retiring however pure and amiable their motives pension. Sir, if in asserting the right of may be, have been highly detrimental to my noble friend and my hon. friends, the public interests. I think, Sir, that in to the confidence of the House and the England, and still more in Ireland, there country, I have put other matters more has been too much halting between two forward than the great measure, the loss opinions; that there has been too great a of which we are considering to-night, it is disposition to conciliate those who never because their services in those particulars can be conciliated by the acts of what I are less generally known; and because I should call a just and liberal Government; wish to establish their claim to the confiand that there have been some instances dence of the House, to that confidence of their overlooking the claims of old and which I am sure the whole country will tried friends, who had always given them echo, as well on their other measures as their cordial and zealous support. I think on that great and all important measure, that my noble friend at the head of the without which I readily admit all the rest Administration has in some things which would be of no avail; and which, whenhe has done, and in other things which he ever it takes effect, as I trust it will after has left undone, consulted more the unsus- no very long delay, if the House of Compicious kindness of his own generous na- mons are true and consistent, if the people ture than the exigency of public affairs and are orderly and quiet, and if the Governthe necessity of supporting his own Go-ment are firm and persevering, will convernment warranted; and if I am not mis-solidate and confirm all the other blessings taken, my noble friend has, during the last of the British Constitution. Sir, I have two or three days, received a pretty severe hitherto avoided saying anything, and in lesson on that score. I trust he will fall what remains I shall dwell as shortly as into such errors no more. I trust that, if possible on what has passed in another by the vote of this night-and on that place. It cannot be my interest, I am vote the fate of the Government and of sure it is not my wish, to speak harshly of the empire depends-I trust that, if by the members of the other House of Parthe vote of this night, and by the confi-liament. There are among them many dence reposed in him by this House, my friends of mine who I conceive have taken noble friend should preserve, as I pray a most unfortunate and mistaken view of

Mr. Charles Dundas said, he felt highly gratified in seconding the Resolution proposed by his noble friend, and in having an opportunity to express his undiminished attachment to the cause of Reform. He hoped that the House would, on the present occasion, come forward in that decided manner which would insure the tranquillity of the country, now so much endangered. He likewise hoped that Government would quiet the mind of the country by making that night an explicit declaration, that they were determined to persevere in endeavouring to carry that measure which had been so unhappily defeated.

Mr. Goulburn said, that in rising to offer some observations on what had fallen from the noble Lord on the other side of the House, and on the Motion with which the noble Lord had concluded, he felt it to be his duty, at the moment of such great and natural excitement as the present, to adopt the example of the noble Lord, so far as to avoid any topic which might lead to ill-will, or might promote irritation. However he might differ on other points with the noble Lord, he fully concurred with him in abstaining from all expressions indicative of violent feelings, as the noble Lord had done, with regard to the House of Peers; and he congratulated the House that they could discuss the existing state of affairs without denying to the House of

this great subject, but who I am sure are as incapable of giving a dishonest or corrupt vote on any question, as I hope I am myself, and the same credit which I claim on such points I am willing, and am indeed bound, to give to all who composed the recent majority of the House of Lords. But one above all by far the most able, the most eloquent, and the most enlightened, of all the opponents of the measure -I am sure no one will mistake the individual to whom I allude; [The noble Lord was understood to mean the Earl of Harrowby one to whom I am attached not more by the ties of family connection than by those of the greatest respect and affection; a man distinguished by every thing most amiable in private, by every thing most honourable and disinterested in public life. He, I am sure, has on this, as on every other occasion, been swayed by the purest and most patriotic motives; by the conviction that in the course he was taking he was consulting that which has been the sole object of his political career -the best interests of his country. I say this of my noble friend; and I am sure I am not disposed to speak disrespectfully or unkindly of those who coincided with him in opinion. And I trust those of my hon. friends who may follow me will allow me respectfully to urge my earnest request that they will exercise the same forbearance. I have practised this forbearance in the Re-Peers those rights which, if they were dissolution with which I shall conclude, to the utmost extent that I could, consistently with what is due to my own opinionconsistently with what is due to the recorded sense of this House-consistently with what is due to the pledge which I have given to my constituents-and, what is still more important-consistently with what I conceive to be our duty to the peace and safety of the country. I will now conclude by moving this Resolution :-"That while this House deeply laments the recent fate of a Bill for reforming the Represent-gent constituents, the members of the Uniation, in favour of which the opinion of the country stands unequivocally pronounced, and which has been matured by discussions the most anxious and laborious, it feels called upon to re-assert its firm adherence to the principle and leading provisions of that great measure; and to express its unabated confidence in the in-him to concur in a resolution which tendtegrity, perseverance, and ability of those Ministers who, in introducing and conducting it, have so well consulted the best interests of the country." VOL. VIII. Third

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puted, they should be most ready to vindicate for themselves. He rose to follow the noble Lord, deeply impressed with the necessity of expressing his opinions in such a manner as would avoid any irritation or ill-will. The noble Lord had told them, that in propounding this Motion he rose under a deep sense of the duty which he owed to himself and to his constituents. He could assure the House and the noble Lord, that he also rose under as deep a sense of what he owed to his own intelli

versity of Cambridge, that he was discharging a conscientious duty, both to himself and to his constituents, in opposing the resolution of the noble Lord. He was quite sure, that after the proceedings which had recently taken place in that House, the noble Lord would not expect

ed to stultify all the proceedings which Gentlemen on his side of the House had taken against this Bill. If, in opposing this Motion, he forebore to enter into the O

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arguments which justified the Opposition | jections of himself and the hon. friends in opposing the views of Government, not around him, he (Mr. Goulburn) could be only on the Reform Bill, but on other accused of any disposition to excite irritameasures which they had brought forward tion, when he stated that he merely in-commercial, political, and financial- tended to meet this Resolution with a nehe was sure that the House would give gative? The noble Lord had introduced him credit for so abstaining only under the into this debate the grounds on which he idea that he was influenced by the para- thought that the House ought to place mount consideration of not doing any confidence in his Majesty's present Governthing which could promote an angry feeling, ment. Those grounds were limited to or add to the excitement which at present three distinct points-first, the financial prevailed. As he had already expressed an operations of the noble Lord opposite opinion on all the topics included in the (Lord Althorp); secondly, to the new speech of the noble Lord, he trusted that Game law; and, thirdly, to the disinterthe House would not deem it necessary ested conduct of the Lord Chancellor. for him to repeat the arguments which With regard to the first-namely, the rehe had urged on former occasions to vin- lief which had been afforded to the people dicate his sincerity on this subject. The by the remission of taxes on two articlesnoble Lord thought that this Resolution the noble Lord seemed not to be aware was necessary to vindicate the consistency that the House was not in a condition to of the House of Commons. Now he wished judge whether the reduction of the duty to know in what manner the consistency would produce a benefit to the people of the House would be vindicated by such commensurate to the injury of the rea resolution? Had not the House already venue: for the candle-duty, be it observed, declared its opinion by pissing the was still in full operation; and whilst that Bill, and was it to be told, after the Bill was the case, it was a little too hard to was lost in the other House of Parliament, call on the House of Commons for a vote that it was necessary that the House of confidence in his Majesty's Ministers should, to establish a principle which it for the great efforts which they had made had already fully vindicated, come to an- to reduce taxation. As to the other tax other resolution, declaring that it had not which was stated to be repealed, and which departed from it? It was not necessary was still in full operation, it would be well that on occasions where the two Houses of if the House would recollect the condition Parliament differed, each should come to in which that tax was still placed. The a separate conclusion afterwards. Indeed, public had made a large sacrifice of rehe knew of no process which would more venue, little short of 1,000,000l. per aninevitably lead to a collision between the num, yet, as far as could be judged from two branches of the Legislature. On the the diminution in the price of the comcontrary, he thought that such a proceed-modity taxed, the advantage to the people ing would lead to perpetual dissensions was only 250,000. How, then, could the between the two Houses of Parliament. noble Lord be justified in calling for the When the noble Lord called upon Mem-confidence of the House of Commons bers of the House of Commons to couple their opinions on the Reform Bill with a vote of unabated confidence in his Majesty's Government, a tempting opportunity was presented to him, but he would not be betrayed by it into a specification of the different arguments which induced him to resist such a motion. He would only appeal to such measures as had been Introduced into Parliament since Earl Grey had come to the head of affairs, and he would ask the noble member for Devonshire himself, whether, after the manner in which the noble Earl's measures had been opposed in that House, and after the many alterations which had been made in them, in consequence of the ob

upon two measures of finance, one of which had not come into operation, and of which the other, as far as it had come into operation, was not much calculated to excite the admiration of the country for the taste of those who presided over the repeal of taxation. With regard to the Game laws, he should prefer seeing how that measure acted when it came into operation, before he gave any opinion upon it; and as its operation would not commence for some time to come, he did not think that the confidence of the House of Commons could be fairly claimed upon that score. But then the noble Lord assumed the conduct of the Lord Chancellor, who was only a part of the Administration,

called the attention of the House to that part of the united kingdom for whose safety he and his late colleagues in the Government had made such sacrifices. Now, if the advice of the noble Lord was, that Government should abandon that inflexible impartiality which ought to distinguish all Governments, and if his opinion were, that the Government should throw itself entirely into the hands of one party in that country, he would tell the noble Lord, that if that advice were followed it would not only deprive the Government. of that confidence which it enjoyed at present, but would also involve the country in consequences most disastrous to its prosperity and glory. He would not trespass further on the attention of the House; he would only say, that as he could not concur in this Resolution, he would meet it with his most unequivocal resistance.

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was a ground for the confidence of the House in the conduct of the whole Administration. He did not intend to say any thing disrespectful of Lord Brougham. There was no man who entertained a higher opinion than he did of that noble Lord's talents; but when he looked on the conduct of so high an officer of the State, it was not enough to say that he had disposed of all the causes in his Court, and had got rid of all the appeals left by his predecessors. The decisions of tribunals of this kind required the sanctions of age, and if, after the lapse of fifty years, the decisions of the noble Lord should meet with the same respect as those of another noble and learned Lord, who had already occupied the Woolsack for nearly that time-if, at the end of that time, the noble and learned Lord should appeal to him for his approbation, then he would be prepared to say to the noble Lord, and the Mr. Macaulay: I doubt, Sir, whether country would be prepared to say with any person who had merely heard the him, "We will now give you that meed of speech of the right hon. member for the approbation which we withhold from you in University of Cambridge, would have been this the first year of your holding office." able to conjecture what the question is The noble Lord had then alluded to the which we are discussing, and what the ocdisinterested conduct of the Lord Chan-casion on which we are assembled. cellor in his measure for reforming the Court of Chancery. He (Mr. Goulburn) did not mean to question Lord Brougham's contempt for pecuniary consideration; but, if he was not much mistaken, he recollected that when his measure was first opened to the House of Commons, the amount of patronage and fees in bankruptcy was to be made up to the noble Lord in the amount of his retiring pension. He was well aware that since that time the noble Lord at the head of the Exchequer had told the House that the Lord Chancellor had requested that the question of compensation should be deferred till the Bankruptcy bill was passed. For a long series of years past, he had had the honour of a personal acquaintance with the noble Lord opposite (Lord Althorp). In the course of that time they had often differed politically-never, he believed, personally. He was, therefore, sure that the noble Lord (Ebrington) would excuse him when he stated, that on grounds of personal friendship he could not consent to this vote of confidence in the Administration of his noble friend. He saw nothing in the measures which this Administration had either proposed or carried which would justify such confidence. The noble Lord opposite (Lord Ebrington) had

myself I can with perfect sincerity declare, that never in the whole course of my life did I feel my mind oppressed by so deep and solemn a sense of responsibility as at the present moment. I firmly believe that the country is now in danger of calamities greater than ever threatened it, from domestic misgovernment or from foreign hostility. The danger is no less than this

that there may be a complete alienation of the people from their rulers. To soothe the public mind, to reconcile the people to the delay-the short delay--which must intervene before their wishes can be legitimately gratified; and, in the mean time, to avert civil discord, and to uphold the authority of law-these are, I conceive, the objects of my noble friend, the member for Devonshire-these ought, at the present crisis, to be the objects of every honest Englishman. They are objects which will assuredly be attained, if we rise to this great occasion-if we take our stand in the place which the Constitution has assigned to us-if we employ, with becoming firmness and dignity, the powers which belong to us as trustees of the nation, and as advisers of the Throne. Sir, the Resolution of my noble friend consists of two parts. He calls upon us to declare our undiminished attachment to the prin

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