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effectual security to those interests which | assert my determination to maintain the it is alleged to destroy. This, perhaps, principle of the Bill in all its efficiency. more than any other part of the Bill has Nothing that could derogate from this given general satisfaction. An almost could have had my consent; but any universal feeling appears to prevail, that alteration that could have been shown to the disfranchisement of these boroughs be necessary to carry into full effect the was necessary to relieve the Constitution Bill, could bave met with no opposition from the corruption which is undermining from me. To many of the changes, which the government, and to restore to it an we may collect from their speeches noble effective and healthy administration. It Lords opposite would have thought indishas been said, indeed, that by these bo- pensable, I should have been decidedly roughs an adequate Representation is se. opposed. But the decision must have cured to all the various interests of the rested, not with me, but with the House. community; that by these means the Though I might have objected, the House merchants, manufacturers, and fundholders, might have decided according to the opinobtained seats in the Legislature, and thus ion of the noble Lord-and why could prevented the inconvenience which might they not rely as confidently on a majority otherwise have arisen from Manchester, or in the Committee, as they do on that which Birmingham, or Leeds not being directly they anticipate as the certain result of this Represented in the House of Commons. night's division ? Admitting the principle,

It surely cannot be necessary in the pre- therefore, they have no ground for oppossent day to dwell upon the advantages of ing the second reading of the Bill, which direct Representation, and to contend for would have given them the opportunity the right of the people to choose for them- of proposing in the Committee such modiselves the Representatives by whom their fications of the measure as might be coninterests, whether they be agricultural, sistent with their notions of what was manufacturing, or commercial, are to be necessary for the security of the Constituprotected. It would be adding insult to tion. I wish to address this part of my injury, to tell them that this right was of argument more particularly to the noble no consequence to them, because it was Earl opposite, who spoke with so much amply supplied by the return of Members ability a few nights ago. to Parliament, by the open sale of seats, The noble Earl says, that he is not opor by the nomination of the proprietors of posed to Reform, but that the present Bill boroughs. And can we hear without in- is far too extensive. He does not object dignation the assertion—that to eradicate to the disfranchisement of some of the such a system, and to substitute for it the nomination boroughs—he is not opposed real Representation which the Constitution to the granting Members to the large towns was bound to secure to the people of this which are now unrepresented-he consents country, to restore to the people the right to the extension of the right of voting in of choosing for themselves, is a revolution counties, and to the addition made by the ary measure, which will infallibly destroy Bill to that part of the Representation. the most valuable institutions of our go- Disfranchisement, enfranchisement, addis vernment? I entertain no fears of such a tition, extension of qualification-all this result from the passing of this measure the noble Earl admits, and this, my Lords, into a law; but I confess I have great forms the whole principle of the Bill. All fears, from what has passed in the Debates the other parts have reference only to the on this question, that its rejection by this manner in which that principle is to be House may be productive of disastrous worked out. The detailed provisions consequences. I trust, therefore, that the which have been introduced for this purassent of the House will be given to the pose, may be so modified or altered as to second reading, sanctioning thereby the improve, to confirm, or to restrict the operprinciple of the Bill, which so many have ation of the principle. If the noble Earl adınitted, and affording a full opportunity objects to the registration, may not that for the consideration of its provisions in the clause be altered in the Committee Committee. But to this it is objected without touching the efficiency of the that I have declared a determined and measure? If the noble Earl objects uncompromising 'opposition to all alter- to the proposed qualification, and thinks ations whatever. No such declaration has that it ought to be the occupancy of ever been made by me, I certainly did / a house of a rental of 201, a-year, in, stead of one of only 101., can a change to ency or the wisdom of those who, acting this effect be made elsewhere than in the with those views, would throw out the Bill Committee ? If the noble Earl objects to at once. I can well conceive that those the division of counties, can he not propose who are opposed to all Reform whatever that this part of the Bill be struck out in should act in this manner; that a noble the Committee? Ifthe noble Earl objects Earl, for instance, who sits opposite, and to any part of the schedules, where can he who does not qualify his opinion, and who so well propose an alteration as in the is willing to proclaim to the people, in terms Committee ? To all such alterations I to produce despair, “ Leave all hope behind, should, undoubtedly, give my most strenu- you who enter here”--that he should take ous opposition; but it would be, as I have such a course is intelligible; but how is already stated, for the Committee, and not it to be reconciled with the statements of for me, todecide. In the Committee all these those who declare some measure of Requestions might be fully discussed; in form to be both just and necessary? short, no way appears so easy of obtaining It has been said, that a measure of a what the noble Earl declares that he de- more contracted nature than this would sires, as by going into Committee. have satisfied the people. I doubt

The noble Earl, however, calls upon whether, in such a state of things as the your Lordships, at once to reject this Bill, present, this could have been reasonably for this, though the most offensive form expected. It seemed to me that permanoriginally proposed by the noble Baron op- ent contentment could only be produced posite has been abandoned, must be the by a decisive and extensive measure; and effect of a postponement of the second the object which the King's Ministers had in reading for six months. Let me ask, in view was, to produce such a settlement of what situation this House will be placed this long-agitated question, which might if your Lordships should be induced to prevent its being brought into renewed reject this Bill upon such principles ? discussion in these seasons of distress and Would it not be said, that, admitting the difficulty, when experience has shown principle, without any consideration of the that it has constantly revived, calling into manner in which that principle might be action all the elements of political division advantageously worked into a law, you had and discontent. It surely was desirable, hastily rejected a measure, sent to you by if this question was to be entered into at a vole of a large majority of the House all, it should be done in such a manner as of Commons, and eagerly supported by the to afford a hope that it might be effectually almost unanimous voice of a whole people ? and permanently adjusted. I ask the most reverend Prelate who spoke I have now nearly done. I have only lately-for he, too, has declared that he is to make one or two other observations. not opposed generally to Reform---whether The noble and learned Lord opposite he can reconcile such a voie with the has indulged himself with going into opinions which he has stated ? He wishes the whole of my political life, with a view for a meeting of the most eminent and able of showing that I formerly professed opinmen that can be found, to consider of the ions somewhat different from some of those means of producing a satisfactory measure. which I now entertain; but the noble and I confess I should not be very sanguine in learned Lord has forgotten the influence my hopes of a successful result from such circumstances must have on the opinion a proceeding. But if a measure, cleared of Statesmen. If I thought it necessary, of the objections which the most reverend I might refer to the change that took place Prelate feels to that which is now before in the opinion of the noble and learned you, and fortified by all the safeguards Lord with reference to the question of Cawhich he requires for the security of the tholic Emancipation. The policy, nay, Constitution is to be effected, where can it the justice of concession on that question, be so well done as in a Committee, where had long been argued by myself, and by all these points might be fairly and fully those with whom I had the honour of actdiscussed?

ing; but it was not until the danger became This, my Lords, is the only course which imminent that the late Government were the most reverend Prelate, and those Peers induced to abandon their opposition to the who, with him, are friendly to the principle just claims of so large a portion of their felof the Bill, can consistently adopt. I con- low-subjects. But if in that case the danger fess I cannot understand either the consist. I was imminent, how much greater must it be

now, if, with their hopes and expectations | human things to corruption and decay. I
raised to the highest pitch, the people feel confident, however, whatever be the
should have their prayers disregarded, result, that the public peace will not be
their petitions rejected with contempt, endangered. I agree with the noble Lord,
and all hope excluded, by a vote of this that the good sense of the people will prevent
House, of their obtaining that to which, them from breaking out into acts of violence
according to the principles of the Consti- and outrage, and I trust, whatever may be
tution, they have a right-a full, fair, and their feelings of disappointment from the
free Representation in a House of Com- rejection of this measure—if such should,
mons chosen by themselves, and relieved unhappily, be its fate—that they will not
from those defects which have impaired its depart from the legal and constitutional
character, and deprived it of the confi- means of seeking redress for the grievances
dence which is so necessary to its useful and of which they complain. It is by such a
independent action? God forbid that this course alone that their object can be ob-
practical experiment upon the patience of tained; and by a steady and a resolute
the people should now be tried, for never perseverance in that course, their success
did there exist-1, in my conscience, be- is certain.
lieve in the most turbulent and danger- If, therefore, this measure should not pass
ous times of our history, so general and so into a law on the present occasion, I ex-
alarming a degree of discontent and dissa- pect the people to wait patiently for a more
tisfaction as that which will break out, when favourable season, when their petitions may
the hopes now entertained of obtaining a again be brought, as they infallibly must
salutary and effectual measure of Reform be, and at no distant period, under the
shall be converted into despair. I believe consideration of the Legislature, under
that the feelings of the people are loyal and better auspices. Is it possible long to
affectionate to the King, and even warmly withstand so general and so powerful an
attached the various institutions of our expression of the public feeling as that
Government in its separate branches; and which we have now heard? With the
let me entreat you not to throw away the noble Lord opposite, I sincerely hope that
opportunity which is now afforded of the passive resistance to which allusion
strengthening this general sentiment, so has been made, as being contrary to law,
necessary to the safety of the country, by will no longer be thought of-that no
a timely and prudent attention to the wants combinations, which the authority of
and wishes of the people.

Government must be exerted to repress, I have been reminded that, on some will be entered into to refuse the payment former occasion, I made use of the expres- of taxes; in a word, that no proceedings sion, that the House of Commons, even as of any kind will be resorted to, which it is, was a better representative body than could only be injurious to the people any institution of the sort that ever existed themselves, and to the cause which they in Europe. This certainly was, and is my have so much at heart, and which their opinion; no country, I believe, ever pos- most sincere friends could only condemn sessed an institution upon

the whole so well and lament. Forbearance under provocacalculated to promote the general welfare. tion--patience under suffering-hope and But is it inconsistent with this admission, perseverance under adverse circumstances, to acknowledge that there are defects, have hitherto distinguished the people of even in this system, which have materially England, and, I trust, will not now desert impaired its vigour, have alienated the them. confidence of the people, and which re- I am willing to give every credit to the quire correction and reformation ? To re-noble Lords who oppose this measure for move the abuses which have crept into conscientious motives, but I cannot help the system, and to restore it to its original feeling, from a number of circumstances principles, is the object of the present Bill, that have occurred, that there has been which is a conservative and not a revolu- shown a considerable degree of partytionary measure, and is sanctioned by the feeling in what has taken place both in opinion of the most enlightened men, that this House and elsewhere; and his free governments, if not occasionally re- Majesty's Ministers have had reason to called to their first principles, necessarily complain of attacks, for which, I am condegenerate into abuse, from the usurpa- fident in asserting, their conduct has given tions of power, and the tendency of all no such occasion. [several Noble Lords ;

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“ No! No!) My Lords, I cannot alter, can never be obliterated from my heart, my conviction, that on this occasion symp- whatever may happen, to the last motoms of a party spirit have shewn them- ment of my existence. I had no desire for selves, which have greatly increased the place, and it was not sought after by me; bitterness of these discussions, and added it was offered to me under such circumnot a little to the dangers to be appre- stances that nothing but a sense of duty hended from their results. For myself, could have induced me to accept it. To and for my colleagues, I will only say, such as have observed iny public conduct, that we have acted from no motive but I think I need make no such professions, that of promoting the peace and safety of for I can appeal to the history of my the country. To the measure which has whole life to prove that I have not been been proposed for this purpose, or to one actuated by an unworthy desire for office. of equal extent and efficiency, I am per- But I found myself placed in a situation sonally pledged, and as to a measure more in which to shrink from the task imposed limited in extent and principle-despair- upon me by the too partial opinion of a ing of its producing that effect—it will not benevolent master, would have been the be proposed by me.

dereliction of a great public duty. The noble and learned Lord has said, I have lived a long life of exclusion from that if I were to resign office, it would be office-I had no official habits-/ posa culpable abandonment of the King. It sessed not the advantages which those is my duty to consider what course I shall official habits confer-I am fond of retirefollow, under the circumstances in which ment and domestic life, and I lived happy I may be placed. I certainly will not and content in the bosom of my family. abandon the King as long as I can be of I was surrounded by those to whom I am use to him. I am bound to the King by attached by the warmest ties of affection. obligations of gratitude, greater, perhaps, What, then, but a sense of duty could than subject ever owed to a sovereign, for have induced me to plunge into all the the kind manner in which he has extended difficulties, not unforeseen, of my present to me his confidence and support, and for situation? What else, in my declining the indulgence with which he has accepted age, my humble but zealous exertions in his What else could tempt me on those stormy seas, service. Therefore, so long as I can be a Bankrupt of life, yet prodigal of ease ? useful servant to him, I trust that it never I defy my worst enemy, if he has the most will be a reproach to me, that I abandoned moderate share of candour, to find ground so gracious a master. But I can only for charging me with any other motive. serve him usefully by maintaining the I have performed my duty as well as I character which belongs to a consistent, am able- I shall still continue to do so, conscientious, and disinterested course of as long as I can hope to succeed in the public conduct : this character I should accomplishment of an object which I bedeservedly forfeit, if, by any consideration, lieve to be safe, necessary, and indispensI should desert principles which I believe able; but should this hope fail me, and to be just, or give up, for any considera- should the Parliament and the public withtion whatever, measures which I believe to draw the confidence with which I have been be essential to the security, happiness, and hitherto supported, as, in that case, I could honour of my Sovereign and of my coun- no longer prove a useful servant to my King try. If I could fall into such disgrace, I or to my country, I would instantly withshould be at once disqualified from ren-draw from office into the retirement of dering to his Majesty any useful service. private life, with the consoling reflection,

As to abilities, I am too sensible of my that, whatever my other defects may be, I own deficiency, which is not less in those had not been wanting, according to the other qualifications which long habits of best of my ability and judgment, in a office give. All that I can pretend to is, faithful, conscientious, and zealous disan honest zeal- an anxious desire to do charge of what I have felt to be my duty. my duty in the best way I can : as long The Duke of Wellington: When I made as he is content to accept my services on the observations that I did, in reference to these terms, 'no personal sacrifices shall the question of Parliamentary Reform, at stand in the way of my performing the the commencement of last Session, that duty which I owe to a sovereign, whose question stood upon a very different footclaims upon my gratitude and devotion | ing to what it does at present. I look upon the state of the question to have that I now avow and act upon. Now, if been completely altered by his Majesty's the noble Earl entertains any such impresSpeech on the 22nd of April, from what it sions, I beg to assure him that he is miswas when I left office. I will not com- taken, plain of anything personal that has been Earl Grey: I understand that the noble said of me, and I am sure that the noble and learned Lord, at one period of his life, Earl will do me the justice to admit, that entertained opinions favourable to the conI have rendered the noble Earl and his sideration of the question of Parliamentcolleagues every assistance that I could ary Reform. consistently with my avowed sentiments. Lord Lyndhurst: Never !

Lord Lyndhurst: The noble Earl has The House then divided : Not contents, been pleased, in the course of his speech, Present 150; Proxies 49–199. Conto allude to me, and he seemed to con- tents, Present 128; Proxies, 30-158. sider that, at one period of my life, I en- Majority against the second reading 41. tertained opinions directly opposed to those House adjourned at half-past six.

List of the NOT-CONTENTS. His R. H. the Duke of DONCASTER (Duke of Buc

VISCOUNTS. CUMBERLAND

cleuch)

ARBUTHNOTT
His R. H. the Duke of Dudley
GLOUCESTER.
ELDON

BERES FORD
ENNISKILLEN

CombERMERE
DUKES.
FALMOUTH

DON FRAILE
BEAUFORT
GLENGALL

GORDON (E. of Aberdeen)
BUCKINGHAM
GUILDFORD

HEREFORD
Dorser
HAREWOOD

LORTON
Leeds
HARDWICKE

MAYNARD
MANCHESTER
HARROW BY

Melville
Newcastle
HOME

SIDMOUTH
RUTLAND
Howe

SYDNEY.
WELLINGTON.
JERSEY

BARONS.
LIMERICK
MARQUISSES.
LIVERPOOL

ARDEN
AILESBURY
LONG FORD

ARUNDEL
BATH
LONSDALE

BAYNING
BRISTOL
MANSFIELD

BexLEY
Bute
MAYO

BOLTON
CAMDEN
MORTON

Boston
CHOLMONDELEY
MOUNTCASHEL

CARBERY
EXETER

NORWICH (D. of Gordon) CARTERET
HERTFORD
ORFORD

CLANBRASSILL (Earl of
SALISBURY
PLYMOUTH

Roden
THOMOND.
POULETT

CLANWILLIAM (Earl of
Powis

Clanwilliam
EARLS.
RossLYN

COLVILLE
ABING DON
SeLKIRK

COWLEY
AYLESFORD
SHAFTESBURY

DELAMERE
BATHURST
St. GERMAIN'S

DE Roos
BEAUCHAMP
TALBOT

DOUGLAS
BEVERLEY
TANKERVILLE

DUFFERIN
BRADFORD

VANE (M. of Londonderry) DYNEVOR
BROWN LOW
VERULAM

ELLEN BOROUGH
CAERNARVON
WALDEGRAVE

FARN BOROUGH.
CALEDON
WARWICK

FEVERSHAM
COVENTRY
WESTMORLAND

FORBES
DARTMOUTH
WICKLOW

FORESTER
DELAWARR
WILTON

GAGE (Viscount Gage)
DIGBY
WINCHILSEA

GAMBIER

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