Hansard's Parliamentary Debates

effectual security to those interests which | assert my determination to maintain the it is alleged to destroy. This, perhaps, principle of the Bill in all its efficiency. more than any other part of the Bill has Nothing that could derogate from this given general satisfaction. An almost could have had my consent; but any universal feeling appears to prevail, that alteration that could have been shown to the disfranchisement of these boroughs be necessary to carry into full effect the was necessary to relieve the Constitution Bill, could have met with no opposition from the corruption which is undermining from me. To many of the changes, which the government, and to restore to it an we may collect from their speeches noble effective and healthy administration. It Lords opposite would have thought indishas been said, indeed, that by these bo- pensable, I should have been decidedly roughs an adequate Representation is se- opposed. But the decision must have cured to all the various interests of the rested, not with me, but with the House. community; that by these means the Though I might have objected, the House merchants, manufacturers, and fundholders, might have decided according to the opinobtained seats in the Legislature, and thus ion of the noble Lord-and why could prevented the inconvenience which might they not rely as confidently on a majority otherwise have arisen from Manchester, or in the Committee, as they do on that which Birmingham, or Leeds not being directly they anticipate as the certain result of this Represented in the House of Commons. night's division? Admitting the principle, therefore, they have no ground for opposing the second reading of the Bill, which would have given them the opportunity of proposing in the Committee such modifications of the measure as might be consistent with their notions of what was necessary for the security of the Constitution. I wish to address this part of my argument more particularly to the noble Earl opposite, who spoke with so much ability a few nights ago.

It surely cannot be necessary in the present day to dwell upon the advantages of direct Representation, and to contend for the right of the people to choose for themselves the Representatives by whom their interests, whether they be agricultural, manufacturing, or commercial, are to be protected. It would be adding insult to injury, to tell them that this right was of no consequence to them, because it was amply supplied by the return of Members to Parliament, by the open sale of seats, or by the nomination of the proprietors of boroughs. And can we hear without indignation the assertion-that to eradicate such a system, and to substitute for it the real Representation which the Constitution was bound to secure to the people of this country, to restore to the people the right of choosing for themselves, is a revolutionary measure, which will infallibly destroy the most valuable institutions of our government? I entertain no fears of such a result from the passing of this measure into a law; but I confess I have great fears, from what has passed in the Debates on this question, that its rejection by this House may be productive of disastrous consequences. I trust, therefore, that the assent of the House will be given to the second reading, sanctioning thereby the principle of the Bill, which so many have admitted, and affording a full opportunity for the consideration of its provisions in the Committee. But to this it is objected that I have declared a determined and uncompromising opposition to all alterations whatever. No such declaration has ever been made by me. I certainly did

The noble Earl says, that he is not opposed to Reform, but that the present Bill is far too extensive. He does not object to the disfranchisement of some of the nomination boroughs-he is not opposed to the granting Members to the large towns which are now unrepresented-he consents to the extension of the right of voting in counties, and to the addition made by the Bill to that part of the Representation. Disfranchisement, enfranchisement, additition, extension of qualification-all this the noble Earl admits, and this, my Lords, forms the whole principle of the Bill. All the other parts have reference only to the manner in which that principle is to be worked out. The detailed provisions which have been introduced for this purpose, may be so modified or altered as to improve, to confirm, or to restrict the operation of the principle. If the noble Earl objects to the registration, may not that clause be altered in the Committee without touching the efficiency of the measure? If the noble Earl objects to the proposed qualification, and thinks that it ought to be the occupancy of a house of a rental of 201. a-year, in

stead of one of only 107., can a change to this effect be made elsewhere than in the Committee? If the noble Earl objects to the division of counties, can he not propose that this part of the Bill be struck out in the Committee? If the noble Earl objects to any part of the schedules, where can he so well propose an alteration as in the Committee? To all such alterations I should, undoubtedly, give my most strenuous opposition; but it would be, as I have already stated, for the Committee, and not for me, to decide. In the Committee all these questions might be fully discussed; in short, no way appears so easy of obtaining what the noble Earl declares that he desires, as by going into Committee.

The noble Earl, however, calls upon your Lordships, at once to reject this Bill, for this, though the most offensive form originally proposed by the noble Baron opposite has been abandoned, must be the effect of a postponement of the second reading for six months. Let me ask, in what situation this House will be placed if your Lordships should be induced to reject this Bill upon such principles? Would it not be said, that, admitting the principle, without any consideration of the manner in which that principle might be advantageously worked into a law, you had hastily rejected a measure, sent to you by a vote of a large majority of the House of Commons, and eagerly supported by the almost unanimous voice of a whole people? I ask the most reverend Prelate who spoke lately-for he, too, has declared that he is not opposed generally to Reform-whether he can reconcile such a vote with the opinions which he has stated? He wishes for a meeting of the most eminent and able men that can be found, to consider of the means of producing a satisfactory measure. I confess I should not be very sanguine in my hopes of a successful result from such a proceeding. But if a measure, cleared of the objections which the most reverend Prelate feels to that which is now before you, and fortified by all the safeguards which he requires for the security of the Constitution is to be effected, where can it be so well done as in a Committee, where all these points might be fairly and fully discussed?

This, my Lords, is the only course which the most reverend Prelate, and those Peers who, with him, are friendly to the principle of the Bill, can consistently adopt. I confess I cannot understand either the consist

ency or the wisdom of those who, acting with those views, would throw out the Bill at once. I can well conceive that those who are opposed to all Reform whatever should act in this manner; that a noble Earl, for instance, who sits opposite, and who does not qualify his opinion, and who is willing to proclaim to the people, in terms to produce despair, "Leave all hope behind, you who enter here"--that he should take such a course is intelligible; but how is it to be reconciled with the statements of those who declare some measure of Reform to be both just and necessary?

It has been said, that a measure of a more contracted nature than this would have satisfied the people. I doubt whether, in such a state of things as the present, this could have been reasonably expected. It seemed to me that permanent contentment could only be produced by a decisive and extensive measure; and the object which the King's Ministers had in view was, to produce such a settlement of this long-agitated question, which might prevent its being brought into renewed discussion in these seasons of distress and difficulty, when experience has shown that it has constantly revived, calling into action all the elements of political division. and discontent. It surely was desirable, if this question was to be entered into at all, it should be done in such a manner as to afford a hope that it might be effectually and permanently adjusted.

I have now nearly done. I have only to make one or two other observations. The noble and learned Lord opposite has indulged himself with going into the whole of my political life, with a view of showing that I formerly professed opinions somewhat different from some of those which I now entertain; but the noble and learned Lord has forgotten the influence circumstances must have on the opinion of Statesmen. If I thought it necessary, I might refer to the change that took place in the opinion of the noble and learned Lord with reference to the question of Catholic Emancipation. The policy, nay, the justice of concession on that question, had long been argued by myself, and by those with whom I had the honour of acting; but it was not until the danger became imminent that the late Government were induced to abandon their opposition to the just claims of so large a portion of their fellow-subjects. But if in that case the danger was imminent, how much greater must it be

endangered. I agree with the noble Lord, that the good sense of the people will prevent them from breaking out into acts of violence and outrage, and I trust, whatever may be their feelings of disappointment from the rejection of this measure-if such should, unhappily, be its fate-that they will not depart from the legal and constitutional means of seeking redress for the grievances of which they complain. It is by such a course alone that their object can be obtained; and by a steady and a resolute perseverance in that course, their success is certain.

now, if, with their hopes and expectations | human things to corruption and decay. I raised to the highest pitch, the people feel confident, however, whatever be the should have their prayers disregarded, result, that the public peace will not be their petitions rejected with contempt, and all hope excluded, by a vote of this House, of their obtaining that to which, according to the principles of the Constitution, they have a right-a full, fair, and free Representation in a House of Commons chosen by themselves, and relieved from those defects which have impaired its character, and deprived it of the confidence which is so necessary to its useful and independent action? God forbid that this practical experiment upon the patience of the people should now be tried, for never did there exist-I, in my conscience, believe-in the most turbulent and dangerous times of our history, so general and so alarming a degree of discontent and dissatisfaction as that which will break out, when the hopes now entertained of obtaining a salutary and effectual measure of Reform shall be converted into despair. I believe that the feelings of the people are loyal and affectionate to the King, and even warmly attached to the various institutions of our Government in its separate branches; and let me entreat you not to throw away the opportunity which is now afforded of strengthening this general sentiment, so necessary to the safety of the country, by a timely and prudent attention to the wants and wishes of the people.

I have been reminded that, on some former occasion, I made use of the expression, that the House of Commons, even as it is, was a better representative body than any institution of the sort that ever existed in Europe. This certainly was, and is my opinion; no country, I believe, ever possessed an institution upon the whole so well calculated to promote the general welfare. But is it inconsistent with this admission, to acknowledge that there are defects, even in this system, which have materially impaired its vigour, have alienated the confidence of the people, and which require correction and reformation? To remove the abuses which have crept into the system, and to restore it to its original principles, is the object of the present Bill, which is a conservative and not a revolutionary measure, and is sanctioned by the opinion of the most enlightened men, that free governments, if not occasionally recalled to their first principles, necessarily degenerate into abuse, from the usurpations of power, and the tendency of all

If, therefore, this measure should not pass into a law on the present occasion, I expect the people to wait patiently for a more favourable season, when their petitions may again be brought, as they infallibly must be, and at no distant period, under the consideration of the Legislature, under better auspices. Is it possible long to withstand so general and so powerful an expression of the public feeling as that which we have now heard? With the noble Lord opposite, I sincerely hope that the passive resistance to which allusion has been made, as being contrary to law, will no longer be thought of-that no combinations, which the authority of Government must be exerted to repress, will be entered into to refuse the payment of taxes; in a word, that no proceedings of any kind will be resorted to, which could only be injurious to the people themselves, and to the cause which they have so much at heart, and which their most sincere friends could only condemn and lament. Forbearance under provocation-patience under suffering-hope and perseverance under adverse circumstances, have hitherto distinguished the people of England, and, I trust, will not now desert them.

I am willing to give every credit to the noble Lords who oppose this measure for conscientious motives, but I cannot help feeling, from a number of circumstances that have occurred, that there has been shown a considerable degree of partyfeeling in what has taken place both in this House and elsewhere; and his Majesty's Ministers have had reason to complain of attacks, for which, I am confident in asserting, their conduct has given no such occasion. [several Noble Lords;

"No! No!] My Lords, I cannot alter my conviction, that on this occasion symptoms of a party spirit have shewn themselves, which have greatly increased the bitterness of these discussions, and added not a little to the dangers to be apprehended from their results. For myself, and for my colleagues, I will only say, that we have acted from no motive but that of promoting the peace and safety of the country. To the measure which has been proposed for this purpose, or to one of equal extent and efficiency, I am personally pledged, and as to a measure more limited in extent and principle-despairing of its producing that effect-it will not be proposed by me.

The noble and learned Lord has said, that if I were to resign office, it would be a culpable abandonment of the King. It is my duty to consider what course I shall follow, under the circumstances in which I may be placed. I certainly will not abandon the King as long as I can be of use to him. I am bound to the King by obligations of gratitude, greater, perhaps, than subject ever owed to a sovereign, for the kind manner in which he has extended to me his confidence and support, and for the indulgence with which he has accepted my humble but zealous exertions in his service. Therefore, so long as I can be a useful servant to him, I trust that it never will be a reproach to me, that I abandoned so gracious a master. But I can only serve him usefully by maintaining the character which belongs to a consistent, conscientious, and disinterested course of public conduct this character I should deservedly forfeit, if, by any consideration, I should desert principles which I believe to be just, or give up, for any consideration whatever, measures which I believe to be essential to the security, happiness, and honour of my Sovereign and of my country. If I could fall into such disgrace, I should be at once disqualified from rendering to his Majesty any useful service.

As to abilities, I am too sensible of my own deficiency, which is not less in those other qualifications which long habits of office give. All that I can pretend to is, an honest zeal-an anxious desire to do my duty in the best way I can as long as he is content to accept my services on these terms, no personal sacrifices shall stand in the way of my performing the duty which I owe to a sovereign, whose claims upon my gratitude and devotion

can never be obliterated from my heart, whatever may happen, to the last moment of my existence. I had no desire for place, and it was not sought after by me; it was offered to me under such circumstances that nothing but a sense of duty could have induced me to accept it. To such as have observed iny public conduct, I think I need make no such professions, for I can appeal to the history of my whole life to prove that I have not been actuated by an unworthy desire for office. But I found myself placed in a situation in which to shrink from the task imposed upon me by the too partial opinion of a benevolent master, would have been the dereliction of a great public duty.

I have lived a long life of exclusion from office-I had no official habits-I possessed not the advantages which those official habits confer-I am fond of retirement and domestic life, and I lived happy and content in the bosom of my family. I was surrounded by those to whom I am attached by the warmest ties of affection. What, then, but a sense of duty could have induced me to plunge into all the difficulties, not unforeseen, of my present situation? What else, in my declining age,

What else could tempt me on those stormy seas, Bankrupt of life, yet prodigal of ease? I defy my worst enemy, if he has the most moderate share of candour, to find ground for charging me with any other motive.

I have performed my duty as well as I am able-I shall still continue to do so, as long as I can hope to succeed in the accomplishment of an object which I believe to be safe, necessary, and indispensable; but should this hope fail me, and should the Parliament and the public withdraw the confidence with which I have been hitherto supported, as, in that case, I could no longer prove a useful servant to my King or to my country, I would instantly withdraw from office into the retirement of private life, with the consoling reflection, that, whatever my other defects may be, I had not been wanting, according to the best of my ability and judgment, in a faithful, conscientious, and zealous discharge of what I have felt to be my duty.

The Duke of Wellington: When I made the observations that I did, in reference to the question of Parliamentary Reform, at the commencement of last Session, that question stood upon a very different footing to what it does at present. I look

upon the state of the question to have been completely altered by his Majesty's Speech on the 22nd of April, from what it was when I left office. I will not complain of anything personal that has been said of me, and I am sure that the noble Earl will do me the justice to admit, that I have rendered the noble Earl and his colleagues every assistance that I could consistently with my avowed sentiments.

Lord Lyndhurst: The noble Earl has been pleased, in the course of his speech, to allude to me, and he seemed to consider that, at one period of my life, I entertained opinions directly opposed to those

that I now avow and act upon. Now, if the noble Earl entertains any such impressions, I beg to assure him that he is mistaken.

Earl Grey: I understand that the noble and learned Lord, at one period of his life, entertained opinions favourable to the consideration of the question of Parliamentary Reform.

Lord Lyndhurst: Never!

The House then divided: Not contents, Present 150; Proxies 49-199. Contents, Present 128; Proxies, 30-158. Majority against the second reading 41. House adjourned at half-past six.

List of the NOT-CONTENTS.

His R. H. the DUKE of DONCASTER (Duke of Buc

CUMBERLAND

cleuch)

His R. H. the DUKE of DUDLEY