sweep the whole of it away. Now these and lay it at the feet of their gracious were no slight changes. TheChurch would Sovereign. But had not the Commons be first attacked, because it was known to dealt according to their discretion with bills be the weakest branch of the realm-not originating in that House, and bills, too, the weakest in knowledge and virtue, for that concerned its privileges? Had they God knew that in these it was, indeed, not opposed, and successfully, a measure most strong-but the weakest in defensive so originating for restricting the number power. He would warn their Lordships of Peers? He would now pass to an obagainst persons who demanded certain servation made by the noble Earl at the alterations only as the prelude to more. head of the Government, in his very able The Reformers, among whom his noble speech in moving the second reading of friend was included-to use a familiar the Bill. The noble Earl had stated that illustration-only meant to go to Houn- the principle of the measure was to reslow, but the other class of Reformers in-store the ancient Constitution as to the Retended to go as far as Windsor. Fraught presentatives of the people. He had heard as the designs of the latter class were with him make this statement once before, mischief to property, it was their Lordships' and he then ventured to submit, with duty to look at the case, not as it displayed great respect to the noble Earl, that in itself at that moment, but as it might be advancing it he was mistaken. According exhibited on a future day, through the con- to the noble Earl, property and population sequences of their acquiescence in the Bill, were to be the basis of the new Representwhen persons were introduced into the ative system. Such was not, however, the other House of Parliament who already primitive constitution of this country. He put forward what they now advanced in begged to deny, that when the Commons' such an audacious way. He believed that House of Parliament was formerly brought no body of men would stand with greater together, its Members were called from firmness against these attacks than would places on account of their wealth, or their their Lordships; but if the whirlwind respectability, or their commerce. So far were once raised, it would not be in their from that being the case, it appeared from power to arrest its desolating career- Maddox's work, and Brady's book on neither station nor talent could withstand boroughs, that they were sent, not from it. He was afraid he detained their Lord-places that happened to be the seats of ships too long-he wished to give the best commerce, but where the King could deanswer to the speech of his noble friend the pend upon the fidelity of the inhabitants weakness of his frame permitted; and he to the Crown. Population or property hoped he had answered it point by point, had nothing to do with the matter-it taking up the arguments in a plain and was entirely an arrangement of the Crown straightforward manner, as he had ever and of those great men who held property done. A noble friend behind informed under it. Conscious that the case stood him, and he was obliged to him for the in- thus, he was satisfied, therefore, that the formation, that one of the arguments of measure of Reform supported by his his noble friend had escaped him. In the Majesty's Ministers, was nothing like a course of his speech he had expressed restoration of the Representation accordsome doubt as to the right of the interfer- ing to the ancient Constitution of this ence of that House with the Bill. He con- country. If he were right in this, then fessed that he had heard the intimation of he contended, that by creating an imthis doubt with very great surprise. He mense body of householding electors, could not but recollect, when the bill to they were not restoring the old Constitution, prevent bribery and corruption was for- but that they were erecting an entirely new warded from the other House, that their one. He thought that he had frequently Lordships had introduced two most effi- heard from the noble Lords opposite, that cient clauses in it, and when these amend- the best way of looking at the Constitution ments had been objected to in the Com- was to take the Constitution as settled in mons, it said, "do not grudge the Lords 1688, and not to go further back than that the honour of assisting in stopping this period. If they did go further back, then practice; they are as much interested in undoubtedly they would find that sumthe purity of the Representation as we monses to return Representatives were sent are." If they had no right to interfere, to a great many boroughs, particularly in they were then merely to register the Bill, Queen Mary's time; but then the electors were generally the mayors and aldermen. | dom, have served an apprenticeship for He would not, however, go further back seven years with respectability. He adthan 1688, but take the Constitution as mitted that the law with regard to freemen he found it settled at that period. Had ought to be altered; yes, he admitted this, t been altered since? Yes, but only by and he did not hesitate to say, that he had the Scotch and Irish Unions, and by seve- always been, and was still a reformer. He ral boroughs having been taken from cor- was a reformer; but he warned their Lordruption, and given to wealth and respect- ships how they took away the rights of ability. Had they then a free Parliament persons who had not abused those rights; in the time of William 3rd? If so, they for if they admitted such a principle as a had one still more free now, in the time of just one, then the right of their Lordships William 4th. Let them look at a letter even to their seats in that House became a which was written from the Hague by very precarious right. A noble Viscount William 3rd. In that letter William said, (Melbourne) had told them, that the printhat he accepted the invitation which had ciple of this Bill was not population; but been given him by the full, free, and law. let him tell that noble Viscount, that there ful Parliament. Was this language jus- was quite enough of the principle of poputifiable ? Was the Parliament which lation in it, to make up as pretty a system effected the Revolution of 1688 a full, free, of universal suffrage as any moderate and lawful Parliament? It would be new radical could desire. He contended that to deny this character to that Parliament; if this Bill should pass, they would find it and if such were its character, was not the impossible long to resist Universal Suffrage lower House then the same as the present and Vote by Ballot, and Annual Parliamuch calumniated House of Commons, ments. Another noble Viscount (Goderich) which it was now sought to abolish because had told them, that the principle of the Bill it would not lend itself to the purposes of was population, in conjunction with taxnorthern Unions? He said, then, again, ation; but he should show to the noble that they were not restoring the Constitu- Viscount, that the greater part of the new tion by this Bill; and saying this in the constituency were actually paupers. A presence of his noble and learned friend gentleman well acquainted with the popuon the Woolsack, he challenged his noble lation of the country had stated in the friend to contradict it if he could, and to House of Commons, that in large towns tell him what period it was at which the the majority of the 107. householders were British Parliament had been more free actually receiving parochial relief. Was and more pure than at the present mo- this, then, giving the elections to populament. No, this Bill, far from restoring tion and property conjoined? They would the Constitution, was getting rid of the find that the 107. householders, so far best part of the constituency of the coun- from being fit to elect Members of Parliatry, and extending the worst part of it. ment, were the very persons who, if the The chief of the electors of England were elective franchise were given them, would burgage-tenants, freemen, freeholders, and be the most likely to sell it. Look at the householders. They were about to get great town of Liverpool. It was stated in rid of the first and the best, and to increase a local Act, which passed in the last Parthe last and the worst. Under this Bill a liament, that in Liverpool the holders of man might be a bankrupt, and still have a houses at 101. and 121. a year were in the right to vote at an election. A table, a receipt of parochial relief, and this was joint-stool, and a straw bed were the only stated as a ground for exempting such implements necessary to set up this new persons from the payment of rates and pauper constituency. The Bill paid a taxes. He knew it was said that these delicate attention to the revenue and to persons would not have votes if they did landlords, by enacting that the voter's rent not pay their taxes, and that they would and taxes should be paid; but, having paid only have votes if they did pay their taxes. them, the voter might, at the time of giving This was the point to which he wanted to his vote, not be worth a shilling in the come. They would pay their taxes of world. See the difference with regard to course-that was to say, the gentlemen the freeholder and the freeman; the free- with long purses who came to be elected holder must have his freehold in possession by them would pay their taxes for them. at the time of giving his vote, and the It had been said that talent would find its freeman must, before he acquired his free-way into Parliament, notwithstanding this Bill. Yes, talent would find its way into | Prelates. He stated broadly that the Bill Parliament, but it would be the talent of would destroy the landed interest, and demagogues-talent which would work with the landed interest the temporal posmischief and destruction-talent which sessions of the Church, so far as those would not prevent the possessors of it possessions consisted of land. He was from becoming the delegates of the wildest aware that many persons had been brought revolutionists. It had been well shown over to be friendly to this Bill, on the by a noble friend of his, that neither ground that it was a great boon to the Ministers of State, nor gentlemen who landed interest. A greater mistake could would not stoop to such practices as he not have been made, and he stated plainly, had described, would have much chance that if this Bill passed, there was an end of being returned to Parliament under to the landed interest. He was a bad this Bill. If all that they had heard was calculator, but he believed that the landed true, they would have had a very different interest at present was protected-counting Bill if the labours of his noble and learned only county Members-by ninety-two friend on the Woolsack, on this subject, Members. This Bill would add sixty-five had been allowed to proceed. He wished county Members, so that, after the passing to God that those labours had not been of the Bill, there would be no other prostopped, for he believed that the result of tection for the landed interest than 157 them would have been such a measure as county Members. But how stood the he, with his notions of Reform, could protection of the landed interest now? cheerfully have supported. This Bill, Had it no other protection than that however, must inevitably lead to tumult which arose from the number of county and to riot; for it was a delusion which Members? It had other protection, and must, at no distant period, be dispelled; that protection resulted from the fact that and he need not tell their Lordships that the boroughs generally belonged to large those men whose hopes and expectations landed proprietors, and that, by means of had been frustrated and deceived, were, those boroughs, the just ascendancy, and of all men, the most likely to disturb the nothing more than the just ascendancy, peace. The people, with an indignant which it ought to have in the State, was voice, would declare that they had been given to the land. But see how the case deluded, and would demand redress. He would stand if this Bill passed into a law. was sure that boroughs would be sold as They would then have 157-no, he was constantly under this Bill as they were at corrected, they would have 161 county present. Any large proprietor of houses Members; but the boroughs would return might reduce the constituency of a borough 316 Members, and he should like to know to whatever point he pleased, by turning what chance the landed interest would out his tenants every six or nine months. have under such a system of RepresentaThen, again, if this were not done, it would tion? These considerations justified him be only the small holders who would have in saying, that there would be an end to votes; for he appealed to their Lordships the landed interest if this Bill passed. who were large landlords, whether any of Yes, and of all other interests too, for upon their tenants, who paid great rents, paid the landed interest all other interests them punctually every year. It was depended-rising with that one interest, known that such tenants did not, and they and falling as that one interest fell. In therefore would have no votes under the the course of the debates on this Bill Bill; for no adventurer, however desper-reference had been made to various other ate and rich, would attempt to pay such high rents in order to qualify men to vote for him. The farmers, therefore, who were told that they would have votes under this Bill would find themselves deceived they would have no votes. Upon this turned one of his great objections to the Bill. If this Bill passed into a law, it would destroy the landed interest entirely, and with the landed interest it would destroy also the interest of the Church. He gave this warning to the right reverend plans of Parliamentary Reform. The first was that of Oliver Cromwell, an usurper, it was true, but still a wise man in his day. Now Oliver Cromwell went further than he should be inclined to go; but Oliver Cromwell gave 262 Members to the landed interest, and 133 only to other property. The present Ministry had done just the contrary. Then again, Mr. Pitt, in the early part of his life, moved for leave to bring in a bill to add seventy-two Members to the counties, and Mr. Fox assented to this proposition. He was sure he need add nothing to such authorities as these, the authorities of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, both of whom he held in almost idolatrous respect. The noble and learned Lord next adverted to the intended division of counties, which he was certain would be attended with the most mischievous consequences. It would completely alter the constitution of that great body, the Members for counties, who were essential to the support of the British Constitution. Commissioners, specially appointed, were, it appeared, to draw certain lines, but on what principle he was at a loss to conceive. Those Commissioners, it was stated, had already commenced their labours, though the sanction of Parliament had not yet been obtained. He held that it would be derogatory to his character, having for many years held the office of a Judge, if he did not openly state his opinion on this question; and he hoped and trusted that, if this Bill were passed into a law, an inquiry would be made as to the persons who were to be appointed Commissioners for the divisions of counties, and for what reason they were so appointed. It was said, that the effect of this Bill would be, to give Representation to wealth and knowledge; but he could not see any grounds for supposing that, under this Bill, more Representation would be extended to wealth and knowledge than it possessed at present. And connected with this part of the subject, it was a very extraordinary fact, that persons who at least possessed knowledge, and who paid more than 107. a-year rent, he meant individuals who resided in the Inns of Court, though in many respects treated by the law as housekeepers, were, for some reason or other, not allowed to vote under the provisions of this Bill. The effect of the measure would be, to place the whole elective rights of this country in the hands of the lowest class of persons. He would ask, how many towns were there in this country in which the majority of voters rented houses above the value of 201. a-year? Their Lordships would find that in the towns of this country there were 378,280 houses, and of these only 52,000 paid a rent of 201. and upwards. To that, the wealthier portion of the community, one-seventh of the Representation would be intrusted, whilst the poorer classes would retain no less than six-sevenths. In fact, the elective franchise would be given to a class many of whom were no better than paupers. This would not be a Representation of the property, but of the poverty of the country. He wished to place the Representation of the country in the hands of respectability and property, and he denied that this system, viewed in any way, was calculated to effect such an object. By this Bill they would place the majority in the other House of Parliament, not in the hands of wealth and respectability, but of the lowest and poorest class. Now it was not consistent with the principles of the British Constitution that persons thus situated should be intrusted with such powers. He had no objection, abstractedly, to any class of people; but he would never put trust in any set of men-he never would consent to bestow great powers on them, unless he had some security for the manner in which they would make use of that power. To a system which appeared to him likely to be destructive of the interests of Church and State, he never would be a party. He had done the best he could to prevent this country from being placed in the melancholy situation in which he was sure that it would be placed if this Bill were passed, and, let what might happen, he had at least the consolation of having performed his duty. It had been said in a menacing manner, "If you do not pass the Bill, beware of the consequences." He would say, let them beware if they did pass it, because he was certain that it would not prevent, but that it would produce mischievous consequences. They were told that this measure would put an end to bribery and corruption. Now he was satisfied that if the Bill were carried, bribery and corruption would be increased and extended. It was a Bill decidedly calculated for the encouragement of bribery and corruption. He appealed to their Lordships on all these grounds, to pause before they sanctioned such a measure; and he hoped that if there was any weight in the observations which he had made, they would in some degree influence their Lordships in rejecting a bill which was inconsistent with their rights and with the rights of the Crown. He entreated their Lordships, before they allowed this Bill to go to a second reading, to weigh well the consequences likely to result from it. Sure he was, that if the estimate which he had formed of this Bill were a true one, the people generally were grossly deceived and deluded, The Earl of Eldon then said-My Lords, | a seat in this House, as long as my if my noble and learned friend who has strength permitted me, to offer myself and just sat down has felt it necessary to offer my opinions to the suffrages and approan apology to the House upon considera- bation, or to the dissent and reprobation, tions arising out of his age and infirmity, of my fellow-subjects. At this period, my in trespassing upon your Lordships, I feel Lords, no man in the world can address that I am entitled to still more indulgence you under more of the feeling of infirmity than, I thank God, my noble friend is yet and age, or under circumstances which entitled to. If I did not feel it an in- distress him more. But I will not go to cumbent duty on me, I can assure your my grave without giving my opinion, that Lordships I should have spared you, and the measure which is now proposed is a not encountered the hazard and difficulty most destructive measure to this country, which I feel in addressing you, in conse- and is calculated to reduce, by its consequence of my age, and of that infirmity quences, this, which has hitherto been the which has been occasioned in some degree most glorious of all the nations upon by my constant attendance on this House. earth, to that state of misery which now When threats, however, are held out to afflicts all the other countries of the world. your Lordships in general, and those I may be wrong-no man is more likely threats have been addressed particularly to be so from infirmity of mind, proto me, I think myself called upon to say, duced by the infirmities of age; but from from whatever quarter those threats come, the moment my Sovereign sent me into that I would rather die by those threats this House, so long as I was able to do being carried into execution than be influ- my duty, I have endeavoured to do so, enced by them, or deterred from doing through evil and through good report, and what I consider to be my duty. Having havingduly considered this measure, I think lived long in this blessed country-which it my duty to let your Lordships and my still remains, and, I hope, will long re- fellow-subjects know the reasons on which main, the most glorious nation on the face I have founded my opinion on this most moof the earth-it would ill become me, my mentous subject. I have heard doctrines, Lords, to desert the last duty which it is and law doctrines too, uttered with respect probable I shall ever be able to perform. to this matter now under consideration, I well remember that on another question which I own have utterly astonished me, -and I would take this opportunity of speaking as an Englishman and in an declaring, before God and my country, English assembly. Doctrines have been that on that question-I mean the Roman laid down with respect to the law of this Catholic Question-I took no part which country and its institutions, which I never I did not feel it my duty to take both to heard of before, although I have spent a God and my country-but I very well long life in considering what the law of remember that, at the period when that this country is, and some time in conmeasure was under discussion, I stated sidering how it might be improved. that it was probably the last opportunity Those considerations, my Lords, have of which I should ever avail myself of ad- satisfied me that alterations are not always dressing your Lordships. I thought so at improvements; but when I find it stated the time, and, considering that I was in the preamble of this Bill, that it is expethen advanced to fourscore years, I had dient that all the acknowledged rights of scarcely any right to expect to have been property-that all the acknowledged rights able again to address your Lordships, arising out of charters-that all the rights but as the kind and indulgent providence of close corporations, and the rights of of God, has allowed me to continue in the corporations which are not close, should enjoyment of a certain degree of health be swept away-though it does come refor a short period longer, I am able commended by the name of Reform, I again to take my seat in this House. I find it impossible to give it my assent. remember, my Lords, that a noble Duke do not think this property can be taken -the Peer shall be nameless-taunted me away, and I never can consent to hear the with appearing again before your Lord- principle of expediency put forward as ships, after the declaration I had made; the justification of a measure which is not but I felt myself called upon by a sense of consistent with the principles of British duty which I could not resist, from the law, and of the British Constitution. I moment when my Sovereign called me to know, my Lords, and I am ready to agree, I |