of the day, and frequently engaged in active debate at Faneuil Hall; but was not a popular speaker, more because of his uncouth, declamatory manner, than for want of forcible argument. He died in Boston, April 13, 1835, aged 51 years.

DANIEL WALDO LINCOLN.

JULY 4, 1810. FOR THE BUNKER HILL ASSOCIATION.

WAS son of Levi Lincoln, and born in Worcester, March 2, 1784; graduated at Harvard College in 1803, on which occasion he delivered a poem on "Benevolence." He studied law with his father, settled in Portland, Me., and was appointed by Gov. Sullivan the county attorney of Cumberland; he removed to Boston in 1810, and returned to Portland in 1813. The early decease of the beautiful Miss Caldwell, of Worcester, to whom he was engaged, shortened his days. He was a brother of Governor Lincoln. He died April 17, 1815.

The Bunker Hill Association was originated on the brow of the battle-field, in Charlestown, July 4, 1808, in consequence, probably, of the refusal of the Federal selectmen of Boston to permit the Republican party the use of Faneuil Hall, for the celebration of our national independence, thus subjecting them to the necessity of obtaining a church, or public hall, for several years; which elicited the forthcoming sentiment at the public festival, July 4, 1810, after the delivery of the oration by D. W. Lincoln: "The Republican Orator of the Day: Well might his enemies endeavor to obstruct his passage to a rostrum; the name of Cicero was not more dreadful to the Catilines of Rome than is that of Lincoln to the Essex Junto."

The oration pronounced this day, and another, delivered at Worcester, July 4, 1808, are the only printed memorials of this writer of fine rhetorical power. "Tyrants, beware!" commences our orator, in the peroration. "Dare not to invade the sacred rights chartered to nature's children by nature's God! Dare not to provoke the vengeance of valor, the indignation of virtue, the anathema of Heaven! Restrain the savage myrmidons of thy power from the sacrilegious violation of peace, the prostration of law, the destruction of estate, and

the sacrifice of life! Such were the dictates of reason, ere usurping pride trampled on the prerogatives and immunities of freemen. Such were the arguments of justice, ere legislative voracity wrested from the stubborn hand of labor the wages of toilsome industry. Such were the petitions of loyalty, ere wanton cruelty had curdled the mantling blood of kindred affection, or annulled the hallowed obligation of filial submission. Such were the entreaties of humanity, ere the ministers of royal barbarity were unleashed, ere ruin revelled at his harvest home, or death celebrated his carnival." There were present at its delivery John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, and Governor Gerry, signers of the Declaration of Independence; H. G. Otis, President of the Senate, and Perez Morton, Speaker of the House. Without doubt, the abrupt outbreak of the orator prompted the men of power to gaze at him, as the audience involuntarily cast their eyes upon them, desiring to know who were rebuked. We will cite another passage from the one at this date, in which our orator enlarges on the direful effects of party strife: "Like the enchantment of Circe's baleful cup, party spirit has transformed mankind, unmoulding reason's mintage. It has frozen the current of the heart, and paralyzed the pulses of love. Friendship meets a stranger in forgotten sympathy; fraternity turns aside from alienated affection; and parental tenderness petrifies in filial estrangement. The demon of party spirit has pervaded even to the penetralia, and subverted the altars of the Penates, while, enthroned on the ruins, he triumphs in domestic discord. Party spirit has invaded places most sacred, reverend and holy; has polluted the judgment-seat, and profaned the temples of the Most High. History points to her sanguine leaf, the mournful memorial of party rage. See Marius' spear reeking with gore! Behold, expiring breath lingers on Sylla's blade! Can the drops be numbered that fall from Julius' sword? Can the stains be scoured from Antonius' helm? Mark the rose dripping with blood, where brother falls beneath a brother's hand, where man is unhumanized, and the savage is fleshed in kindred carnage! Father of mercies! let not such be the destiny of my country! Let not the evening star go down in blood! Education can unlock the clasping charm, and thaw the murmuring spell of party spirit. By informing man how little man can know, it will relax the dogmatical pertinacity of ignorance, and infuse a temper of candor and kind conciliation; not the obsequious conciliation which receives and adopts errors, but that which forgives them."

JAMES SAVAGE.

JULY 4, 1811. FOR THE TOWN AUTHORITIES.

IN the peroration of the eloquent performance of Mr. Savage, we have a remonstrance against the commercial encroachments of Napoleon, at the very period when he was the most powerful despot in the world, which evinces a manly and patriotic spirit.

"Can we be deluded, my countrymen," says Mr. Savage, "out of our liberties by him who announces that 'the Americans cannot hesitate as to the part which they are to take;' who declares that 'we ought either to tear to pieces the act of our independence,' or coincide with his plans; who implicitly calls our administration 'men without just political views, without honor, without energy;' and who threatens them that it will be necessary to fight for interest, after having refused to fight for honor'? Shall the emperor, who is no less versed in the tactics of desolation than in the vocabulary of insult and the promises of perfidy, deceive our government by assertions that ‘His Majesty loves the Americans,' their prosperity and their commerce are within the scope of his policy? We knew before that his political magazine contains rattles for babies, as well as whips for cowards. Our commerce has, indeed, long been within the scope of his policy, as our merchants and mariners will forever remember. His Majesty, no doubt, does love the Americans, as the butcher delights in the lamb he is about to slaughter, as the tiger courts the kid he would mangle and devour. For such promises, the sacrifice of honor, of interest, of peace, of liberty, and of hope, is required. For such promises, some are willing to stir up former national antipathies, and, when these are too weak for their purpose, to employ new artifices of treachery, to excite the passions of those who are slow to reason; while others promote the design by reproaching opponents with idle words, and threatening them with empty menaces. If Heaven has abandoned us to be so deceived into ruin, on some future anniversary of our national existence we may exclaim, with Antony, in the bitterness of despair:

They tell us 't is our birthday, and we 'll keep it

With double pomp of sadness;

"T is what the day deserves that gave us breath.

Why were we raised the meteor of the world,

Hung in the skies, and blazing as we travelled,

Till all our fires were spent, and then cast downwards

To be trod out by Cæsar?'

"Without adverting to the political questions of our own government, we have, my fellow-citizens, a criterion by which to distinguish the supporters of American independence. They who behold with indifference the freedom of other nations prostrated are no friends of our own. One country after another, in melancholy and rapid succession, is absorbed in the imperial vortex; and some of our citizens are led, by the enmity against England which they are instructed to cherish, to exult in these forewarnings of our destruction. Shall the delusion be corrected? Shall we feel that our own existence is hazarded, when Holland, and Switzerland, and Naples, and Spain, dissolve into the heated mass of French power, like the towering ice-mountains of the pole, as they float towards the south? Shall our rulers 'suffer scorn till they merit it,' and lose the inheritance of valor by the expedients of imbecility? Shall they adhere to error till it becomes treason? Ardent as is my execration of the cowardly policy that submits without resistance to degradation, I should more earnestly abhor the alliance in which many apprehend that we are irrevocably bound. Every part of our body that was sensible to pain has smarted with the lash of French enmity; but the sighs and groans of Europe, from the Baltic to the Hellespont, witness the exquisite torments inflicted by their friendship. Let the spirit of our fathers be evoked from their tombs, to recall their posterity to the recollection of their honorable origin, to the vindication of their ancient glory. There is, we hope, a redeeming spirit in the people, which will restore dignity to government and prosperity to the country,-which will bring us back to the principles of better times, and the practice of Washington,— which will assert our independence wherever the enterprise of our commerce has been exhibited, and make it lasting and incorruptible as the private virtues of our countrymen."

The ancestor of James Savage, who was Maj. Thomas Savage, came to Boston from St. Albans, Hertfordshire, April, 1635, in the ship Planter, Nic. Trarice, master; was one of the Court of Assistants, and a founder of the Old South Church. He was one of those who undertook, in 1673, to erect a barricade in Boston harbor, for security against a fleet then expected from Holland; out of which grew, in less than forty years, the Long Wharf, a small portion of which has continued

ever since, the property of some of his descendants. The father of James Savage was Habijah, a merchant of Boston, who married Elizabeth, daughter of John Tudor, whose residence was in Winter-street, on the south side, opposite the Common, where the subject of this outline was born, July 13, 1784. His mother died before he was four years of age, and he early entered Derby Academy, in Hingham, under the tuition of Abner Lincoln, and Washington Academy, at Machias, Me., under Daniel P. Upton. He graduated at Harvard College in 1803, on which occasion he gave an oration in English on the Patronage of Genius. Mr. Savage engaged in the study of law under the late Chief Justice Parker, Samuel Dexter, and William Sullivan, and entered Suffolk bar, January, 1807; previous to which he became a member of the Boston Anthology Society, and was its secretary in January of that year; and being, previous to this period, in declining health, he visited, with his relative and devoted friend, William Tudor, Jr., in 1805, the islands of Martinique, Dominique, St. Thomas, St. Domingo, and Jamaica. He was an original founder and life-subscriber of the Boston Athenæum, in the same year.

Mr. Savage was, during a period of five years, an editor of the Monthly Anthology, which was the first purely literary periodical in New England, conducted by members of the Anthology Society, a literary club of many of our finest scholars, which met at private dwellings, and after supper devoted their time to literary criticisms and general discussions on polite literature, theology, and varied controversy. When this periodical was discontinued, in 1811, New England was without a literary review of like character; and it was not until 1815 that the North American Review, like a phoenix, arose from its rains, originated by such scions of the parent club as William Tudor and William S. Shaw, to which review Mr. Savage was a contributor.

There is, in the pages of the Anthology, a curious controversy between Dr. J. S. J. Gardiner and Rev. J. S. Buckminster, on the merits of Gray as a poet. This dispute bears some resemblance to the discussions between the romantic and classical schools in literature, says the biographer of Buckminster. Dr. Gardiner maintains, with dry reasoning, that Pope's is the only true model for real poetry. The object of an allusion to this controversy is to introduce an anecdote related by Mr. Savage, then a member of the society. "Controversy,' said he, "sprang up in the club, on the literary nature of Gray's Odes; and the war began with a burlesque ode to Winter, by our president, Rev.