dignified and moderate in his gait; and rather reserved in manners, on the first approach, but very agreeable on acquaintance. His manners were those of olden time, and would more deeply wound with a formal bow, than many men, less dignified, with a blow. He used to say that dignified civility, founded on self-respect, was a gentleman's weapon and defence. He delighted to have his family about him, and see them happy. His son says of him, in a biographical sketch prefixed to an edition of his "Public Men of the Revolution," published since his decease: "Oftentimes he would steal an hour from his professional duties, to remain after dinner with his children at the table, where agreeable conversation, song and anecdote, softened the cold realities of life, and united more closely the natural ties of affection which bound his circle together. He was attentive to the education of his daughters, and many of his works were originally written with a particular view to their instruction."

In order to illustrate the narrative powers of Gen. Sullivan, we cite a reminiscence of Gen. Knox, in which he was concerned, to whom we have frequently alluded. The son gives this relation, as near as he can remember, in Sullivan's own language. "Generals Knox, Lincoln and Jackson, had been companions in the Revolution; had laughed, eaten and drank, fought and lived, together, and were on the most intimate terms. They loved each other to a degree but little known among men of the present day. After the struggle of the war, they retired to their homes, and were all comfortable in their worldly circumstances, if not rich; but Knox, possessing large tracts of land in the State of Maine, upon the rapid sales of which he confidently relied, imagined himself more wealthy than he was, and lived in luxurious style. He built himself a superb mansion at Thomaston, Me., where all his friends met with a cordial welcome, and enjoyed the most liberal hospitality. It was not an unusual thing for Knox to kill, in summer, when great numbers of friends visited him, an ox and twenty sheep on every Monday morning, and to make up an hundred beds daily in his own house. He kept, for his own use and that of his friends, twenty saddle-horses, and several pairs of carriages, in his stables. This expensive style of living was too much for his means, as he was disappointed in the sale of his lands; and he was forced to borrow sums of money on the credit of his friends, Generals Lincoln and Jackson. He soon found himself involved to a large amount, and was obliged to acquaint his friends of his embarrassments, into which he

had unfortunately drawn them. Lincoln was at that time collector of the port of Boston, and occupied a house in State-street, now torn down, part of which he used for the custom-house, and part he occupied as his dwelling. It was agreed that the three should meet there, and a full exposition of Knox's affairs be made known. I was applied to as counsel on the occasion, and was the first one who came at the time appointed. Jackson soon entered; after him, Knox; and almost immediately, Lincoln came in. They seated themselves in a semicircle, whilst I took my place at the table, for the purpose of drawing up the necessary papers, and taking the notes of this melancholy disclosure. These men had often met before, but never in a moment of such sorrow. Both Lincoln and Jackson knew and felt that Knox, the kindest heart in the world, had unwittingly involved them. They were all too full to speak, and maintained for some minutes a sorrowful silence. At last, as if moved by the same impulse, they raised their eyes. Their glances met, and Knox burst into tears. Soon, however, Lincoln rose, brushed the tear from his eye, and exclaimed, 'Gentlemen, this will never do! We came hither to transact business; let us attend to it.' This aroused the others, and Knox made a full disclosure of his affairs. Although Lincoln and Jackson suffered severe losses, it never disturbed the feelings of friendship and intimacy which had existed between these generous-hearted men.'

We will introduce another reminiscence related by Gen. Sullivan. "Soon after the war had been declared, I chanced to be at Saratoga Springs, where I met with the Hon. Calvin Goddard, of Norwich, Ct., and with Hon. Jon. Dwight, of Springfield, Mass. Gov. Griswold, of Connecticut, was also at the hotel, but confined to his chamber. It was the habit of these gentlemen and myself to pay the governor a daily visit; and, when he announced himself too ill to receive us, we strolled into the neighboring woods to talk over the state of the Union, respecting the welfare and durability of which we entertained serious and painful fears. On one of these occasions, it was concluded that a convention should be gathered at New York, during the following September, at which as many States should be represented as could be induced to send delegates. The object of this convention was to determine upon the expediency of Madison's reelection, by running De Witt Clinton as the opposing candidate for the presidency. Goddard was intrusted with the State of Connecticut, Dwight with New York, and I was to awaken Massachusetts to the importance of this convention,

while all three were to assist in rousing the other States. The convention met at New York, September, 1812; and eleven States were represented by seventy delegates. The convention during two days had been unable to come to any determination; and, on the third day, were about dissolving, without any fixed plan of operation. Hon. Rufus King had pronounced the most impassioned invective against Clinton, and was so excited, during his address, that his knees trembled under him. Governeur Morris doubted much the expediency of this measure, and was seconded in these doubts by Theo. Sedgwick, as well as by Judge Hopkinson. Many of the members were desirous of returning to Philadelphia by the steamboat, at two o'clock, P. M., of the third day. It was approaching the hour, and nothing had been determined, when Mr. Otis arose, apparently much embarrassed, holding his hat in his hand, and seeming as if he were almost sorry he had arisen. Soon he warmed with the subject, his hat fell from his hand, and he poured forth a strain of eloquence that chained all present to their seats; and when, at a late hour, the vote was taken, it was almost unanimously resolved to support Clinton. This effort was unprepared, but only proves how entirely Mr. Otis deserves the reputation he enjoys of being a great orator."

Mr. Sullivan will ever deserve the gratitude of the public for his excellent moral and political productions. The Political Class-book entitles him to the reputation of having first introduced the study of the nature and principles of our government into the schools of our land; and he was promptly followed by Judge Story and President Duer, with works of like nature. Such labors are indications of a return to the days of Socrates and Plato, of Cicero and Quintilian. The Moral Class-book, The Historical Class-book, Historical Causes and Effects, from the Fall of the Roman Empire, 476, to the Reformation, 1517. He published a discourse, delivered for the Pilgrim Society, at Plymouth, 1829; a Discourse on Intemperance, 1832. In 1837 he published a little treatise on "Sea Life: or what may or may not be done, and what ought to be done, by Shipowners, Shipmasters, Mates, and Seamen." He published a highly antiquarian address to the members of the bar of Suffolk, Mass., March, 1824, giving a view of legal practice from the earliest date.

During the last ten years of his life, Mr. Sullivan declined professional business, being only counsellor for a few institutions who were unwilling to lose the benefit of his advice. His last days were devoted

to studies purely moral and historical. He said to an intimate friend, who expressed extreme regret that he had retired from his profession: "I believe I mistook, in my selection of a profession, the course most favorable to my happiness; for I have never been conscious of real enjoyment, or of the true bent of my talents, if I have any, until I devoted myself to literature."

At the centennial celebration of Harvard College, Gen. Sullivan, in concluding an eloquent speech, gave the sentiment: "May the educated conscientiously remember that they are the trustees of knowledge, for the use and benefit of those who have been less fortunate than themselves."

An intimate friend of Sullivan remarked of him: "His manners among his friends and intimate associates were very delightful. He was not forgetful of himself, nor unaware of his talents for conversation; but his habitual kindness of heart and the natural nobleness of his character, gave him, in a very unusual measure, the power of calling out from his guests whatever there was in them which was most interesting; and many a person has left his table with the feeling that, although he might elsewhere have seen men who talked more, he had never been himself so agreeable. Mr. Sullivan never forgot a friend, nor failed to requite, with ample interest, any kindness. He accordingly sought out, and was constantly entertaining at his table, or in the charming evening parties which he gathered in his parlors, persons. from various parts of the country, whose only claim was some slight attention paid, perhaps many years before, to Mr. Sullivan, or some of his friends." He possessed extreme pride of character, and never deviated from a certain course of conduct and demeanor, which secured to him the esteem of friends, and the respect of all who came in contact with him, both in public and in private life. His style of writing was simple and clear, full of anecdote, and often conversational. As an author, he shone like a brilliant star. His style was smooth, chaste and classical. His Public Men of the Revolution is almost inimitable for its images of real character. He was a Federalist of the Washington school, and tenaciously opposed to the policy of Jefferson; and his own principles are clearly developed in this work.

THOMAS DANFORTH.

JULY 4, 1804. FOR THE TOWN AUTHORITIES.

THE Monthly Anthology states of this production, that its political sentiments are dignified, and evince that the author glows with a patriotic zeal for the honor and happiness of his country. We take this opportunity to remark that it was pronounced in a superior style of elocution. To the clear and commanding tone of voice, the animated expression, and elegant gesture, of the orator, combined with the justness of the sentiment and its unison with the feelings of the audience, must we attribute the enthusiasm with which it was received. He unfolds the dangers to which our country is exposed from mere faction and party rage, those avenging angels, delighting in the calamity of republics.

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"In all governments there must be a preponderating influence, sovereign power,—doubtless deriving its origin from the people, but guaranteed by fundamental laws, in order that the liberty of all may not be the sport of the licentiousness of any. There never has, and there never will exist a true democracy. If, says the elegant author of the social compact, there were a people of gods, they might be governed democratically; a state so perfect will never belong to man.' In our own government, so happily blended and equipoised the powers of state, that, though sovereignty exists, it may be said never to remain fixed, but, like the vibrations of the pendulum, gives to every part and portion its uniform spring and action. The federal compact is not merely the sketch of liberty; it is the work complete; it is the only government under heaven yet known where every man may be said to exercise his right in the aggregate system of power. Founded in reason and the analogy of nature, like the fair form of the human body, it exhibits the beauty, strength and proportions, of a well-ordered system. The executive is its brain, the judiciary its lungs, and the legislative its whole heart, circulating the very pabulum of its existence, and issuing the powers which warm and invigorate its remotest extremities. As essential to the existence of our bodies as are the brain, lungs or heart, equally as essential are the distinct and independent branches of our government to its life and preservation. Drawn out of the experience of ages, it contains the principles of a republic, sublimely rectified. It is the palladium of your future peace,-a bond of union