In 1793 he was a commissioner to Upper Canada for a treaty with the Indians. In 1798 he visited Europe, and on his return he was appointed judge of the Court of Common Pleas, and was in the Massachusetts Senate. In 1805 he was appointed by Congress the Governor of Michigan, when he surrendered Detroit to Maj. Gen. Isaac Brock, Aug. 15, 1812. In 1814 he was condemned by court-martial for cowardice, and sentenced to be shot, but was pardoned by President Madison. In 1824 Maj. Gen. Hull published a series of letters in defence of his conduct in the campaign of 1812. The North American Review said that, from the public documents collected and published in them, the conclusion must unequivocally be drawn that Gen. Hull was required by the government to do what it was morally and physically impossible that he should do; and his grandson, Rev. James Freeman Clarke, author of the Military and Civil Life of Gen. William Hull, in 482 pages 8vo., after a critical examination of the whole case, remarks that the charge of cowardice, when examined, becomes incredible and absurd. The only questions which can now be raised by reasonable men are these: Did not Gen. Hull err in judgment in some of his measures? Might it not have been better to have attacked Malden? And was the surrender of his post at Detroit, without a struggle for its defence, reconcilable with his situation at that time?

The reason for not attacking Malden was the deficiency of suitable cannon for that purpose; and a want of confidence in the militia, as acknowledged by the officers in command, to storm the works at Malden, which were defended by cannon batteries, while reliance on the part of the Americans was on militia bayonets almost entirely.

In considering the conduct of Gen. Hull, in surrendering Detroit, we ought always to bear in mind that he was governor of the territory as well as general of the army; that he accepted the command of the army for the express purpose of defending the territory; and that though, in compliance with the orders of government, he had invaded Canada, a principal object was still the defence of the people of Michigan. If, therefore, his situation was such that even a successful temporary resistance could not finally prevent the fall of Detroit, had he any right to expose the people of Michigan to that universal massacre which would unquestionably have been the result of a battle at Detroit? It must also be remembered that at the time of the surrender the fort was crowded with women and children, who had fled thither for protection from the town, which tended still more to embarrass the situation

and move the sympathies of the governor. If, therefore, some persons, with whom military glory stands higher than humanity and plain duty, may still blame Gen. Hull for not fighting a useless battle, and for not causing blood to be shed where nothing was to be gained by its effusion, we are confident that all high-minded and judicious persons will conclude that, to sign the surrender of Detroit, was an act of greater courage and truer manliness, on the part of Gen. Hull, than it would have been to have sent out his troops to battle. On his death-bed, he expressed his happiness that he had thus saved the wanton destruction of the peaceful citizens of Michigan. He died at Newton, Mass., Nov. 29, 1825.

SAMUEL STILLMAN, D. D.

JULY 4, 1789. FOR THE TOWN AUTHORITIES.

SAMUEL STILLMAN was born at Philadelphia, Feb. 27, 1737; was educated at Charleston, S. C., and married Hannah, daughter of Evin Morgan, merchant of Philadelphia, May 23, 1759. He settled in the ministry at James' Island, but impaired health occasioned his removal to Bordentown, N. J., in 1760, where, after continuing two years, he visited Boston, became an assistant at the Second Baptist Church, and was, on Jan. 9, 1765, installed as successor of Rev. Jeremiah Condy, over the First Baptist Church.

On the repeal of the Stamp Act, Mr. Stillman published a patriotic sermon, which was greatly admired. This occurred May 17, 1766. "Should I serve you a century in the gospel of Christ," says Stillman in this performance, "I might never again have so favorable an opportunity to consider this passage,-'As cold water to a thirsty soul, so is good news from a far country.' It is a proverb, the truth of which you are now feeling; hence, great is the propriety of improving its spiritual meaning. And the preacher will have the advantage, while he attempts to illustrate the glories of the Gospel, by what the people feel. Has not a general joy diffused itself amongst us? Does not Boston and the country wear a face of pleasantness? You may read good news in every countenance. How great the alteration that has taken place amongst us, in consequence of a late most interesting decision in

our favor! When the news arrived, so as to be confidently believed, there was a universal shout. It now became impossible for every lover of liberty and his country to conceal the gladness of his heart,— public and private were the expressions of joy on this important occasion. Yea, your children, yet ignorant of the importance of this event to these colonies, bear a part in the triumphs of the day,-in imitation, no doubt, of their parents and others, whom they observe pleased on this happy occurrence. Well, thought I, good news from an earthly prince, that brings deliverance, and gives us the prospect of the continuance of our most dear and invaluable rights and privileges, which we apprehended on the brink of departing from us, fill us with such a general gladness that scarce a tongue will be silent. O! how much more might we expect that the glad tidings of salvation-salvation from everlasting misery, to the fruition of endless happiness - would diffuse a universal joy!" Samuel Stillman, at that period, was a loyal subject of King George the Third, as appears by this passage: "May the British Parliament receive that deference from us that they deserve, and be convinced by our future conduct that we aim not at independency, nor wish to destroy distinctions where distinctions are necessary,

- that we rejoice in being governed according to the principles of that constitution of which we make our boast as Englishmen; yea, further, that if it was put to our choice, whether our connection with Great Britain should be dissolved, we, the inhabitants of these colonies, would rise like a cloud, and deprecate such a disunion."

Mr. Stillman soon became one of the most popular pulpit orators of his day, and was consequently appointed to preach on great occasions. He pronounced a sermon before the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, under William Heath, and the train of Artillery, under Capt. Adino Paddock, June 4, 1770. In allusion to the massacre in King-street, he says, "On account of which we have wept sore, our tears are still on our cheeks; which doubtless will be a mournful anniversary in years to come. And it is but entertaining such an opinion of his majesty's paternal regards for his subjects as they ought ever to cherish, to suppose that he has wept, or will weep with us, over the five unhappy men who fell on that gloomy night. What heart is hard enough to refuse a tear?" And in a note Stillman says, "However well a wound may be healed, a scar always remains. So, however satisfactorily to the colonists the present disputes may terminate, they will not forget the names of those who were the cause of troops being

quartered in this metropolis in a time of peace, nor the errand on which they came." Pure eloquence like this, together with the living voice, whose tones and emphases, in an orator like our own Stillman, says Dr. Park, of Andover, are themselves almost a doctrine: not with the voice alone, but with the hand, which opens in order to give out the truth; with the eye, which radiates a thought unutterable by the lips; with the whole person, which bodies forth what is concealed within. Mr. Stillman, in this discourse, urges the necessity of a well-organized militia, and says: "In this town there are above two thousand men able to bear arms, many of whom are excused from duty, except in cases of alarm; others, inattentive to the importance of a well-disciplined militia, choose rather to pay their fines than appear in the field. Permit me, then, with modesty to ask, how is it possible, things continuing thus, that the regiment should appear either complete or respectable? Whereas, would gentlemen of reputation among us set the good example, it would render our militia reputable, and tend to increase the number of volunteers in the service. Hence it is in their power, in a great degree, to strengthen the things which remain in this respect, and seem ready to die. This, among other things, would be an evidence of a truly public spirit, and an honor to those who should lead the way." In Mr. Stillman's Election Sermon, delivered May, 1779, we find the following bold passage, in which he says that "the very men who were appointed the guardians and conservators of the rights of the people have dismembered the empire, and, by repeated acts of injustice and oppression, have forced from the bosom of their parent country millions of Americans, who might have been drawn by a hair, but were not to be driven by all the thunder of Britain. A few soft words would have fixed them in her interest, and have turned away that wrath which her cruel conduct had enkindled. The sameness of religion, of language, and of manners, together with interest, that powerful motive, and a recollection of that reciprocation of kind offices which had long prevailed, would have held America in closest friendship with Great Britain, had she not governed too much;" and, in the oration at the head of this article, Dr. Stillman remarks, "We have often been told that the independence of America hath taken place fifty or an hundred years too soon. Rather, it hath happened at the very time Infinite Wisdom saw best. He without whose knowledge the sparrow doth not fall to the ground hath directed the innumerable intermediate events which

connect the settlement of the country with the declaration of independence, in 1776. It is because unerring wisdom chose it should be. What makes this event appear altogether providential is, that it was not the ground of the quarrel with Great Britain, nor the object for which the Americans first contended. They fought for liberty, not for independence. There was a period, after the contest began, when they would have rejoiced to be placed in the same condition in which they were in 1763. And when the proposition of independence was first made, the people in general were much opposed to it, and consented to it at last as a matter of absolute necessity."

Dr. Stillman was a delegate from Boston to the Massachusetts State convention, on the acceptance of the federal constitution, in February, 1788. In his speech on the last day of the session, he remarked: "I have no interest to influence me to accept this constitution of government, distinct from the interest of my country at large. We are all embarked in one bottom, and must sink or swim together. Heaven has stationed me in a line of duty that precludes every prospect of the honors and emoluments of office. Let who will govern, I must obey. Nor would I exchange the pulpit for the highest honors my country can confer. I, too, have personal liberties to secure, as dear to me as any gentleman in the convention; and as numerous a family, probably, to engage my attention. Besides which, I stand here, with my very honorable colleagues, as a representative of the citizens of this great metropolis, who have been pleased to honor me with their confidence, an honor, in my view, unspeakably greater than a peerage or a pension." After an elaborate course of argument, he remarks: "Viewing the constitution in this light, I stand ready to give my vote for it, without any amendments at all. I am ready to submit my life, my liberty, my family, my property, and, as far as my vote will go, the interest of my constituents, to this general government. After all, if this constitution were as perfect as is the sacred volume, it would not secure the liberties of the people, unless they watch their own liberties. Nothing written on paper will do this. It is, therefore, necessary that the people should keep a vigilant, not an over-jealous eye, on their rulers; and that they should give all due encouragement to our colleges and schools of learning, that so knowledge may be diffused through every part of our country." Dr. Stillman was a decided Whig, and a Federalist of the Washington school. He died March 13, 1807.