to October 20, 1832, a work, I believe, intimately connected with the Dissenters; I find an account of the Principles of the Tutors and Students of Highbury College,' which belongs to the Congregational Independent denomination.' In this account, the writer says, There are No ARTICLES OF RELIGION,' published by the friends of this Institution, which its students are required to SUBSCRIBE, as in the Church of England: and then he proceeds with what I would almost call an infatuated inconsistency, to state the 'principles' and the doctrines,' which the students of the Institution SHALL HOLD. Respecting the "principles' and 'doctrines,' which the students MUST HOLD, he says, • We are happy in being able to give that information from the TRUST DEED of the college.' In the clause relating to 'the students,' it states, that the students SHALL be Protestant Dissenters of the Congregational or Independent denomination, HOLDING THE DOCTRINES HEREINAFTER SET FORTH:' and then he gives EIGHT different Articles of Faith, by no means so well worded as the Doctrinal Articles of the Church of England, which eight different articles the students SHALL HOLD.

Here then we see that the Dissenters do adopt articles of faith, and make use of them; and that their assertion, that the Bible is their standard alone, is a mere idle evasion. Surely they do not mean to quibble about 'subscribing,' and 'holding!' for every honest mind would revolt at such a quibble. To subscribe and to hold are to all purposes of practice and of a good conscience identical; and he who holds a doctrine must be considered as subscribing to it. Besides, when their ministers are ordained to a congregation, they deliver a con

fession of faith, which in all good conscience and practice, is a subscription to articles of religion.* A reflection or two shall close paper.

this

1. If the dissenters would fairly and candidly examine their own principles and conduct, they would find that in reality they practise the very thing in many instances which they blame in the Church of England; and therefore, we ought to have a great deal less contention, strife, and bitterness. Why blame in another, what we allow to ourselves? Christian charity would lead us to bear with each other in our differences, much more than our agreements.

2. I believe there never did nor ever will exist any denomination of Christians without articles of religion expressed or implied. It is then very improper to make this an article of charge against our most excellent church of England.

3. Real godliness will lead us to seek peace, and to ensue it, "Till we all come in the UNITY of the faith, and of the knowledge of the Son of God, unto a perfect man, unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ: that we henceforth be no more children, tossed to and fro, and carried about with every wind of doctrine, by the sleight of men, and cunning craftiness, whereby they lie in wait to deceive: but speaking THE TRUTH IN LOVE, may grow up into him in all things, who is the head, even Christ." Ephes. iv. 13-15.

J. W.-L.

* The trust deeds of some meetinghouses require that the ministers who officiate in them shall hold the doctrinal Articles of the Church of England; and a few years since a Socinian was, in consequence of this stipulation, dismissed from an endowed meeting-house in the North, by a decision of the Court of Chancery.

66

The passage is frequently misquoted, and still more frequently misapplied, it is quoted, The law is instead of was, our schoolmaster, &c. whereas the verb yeyover, is the past time, and so it is properly rendered in our version, and surely it is unbecoming (not to use a stronger expression) in any Christian writer or speaker to misquote it. But there is a worse use made of the passage to which this misquotation is made subservient, and it is to this I would principally draw the attention of the reader. The misappliers understand the law here as the moral law in the ten commandments, whereas the Apostle is speaking of the whole Levitical dispensation, which he contrasts with the Gospel dispensation, calling the former the law, and the latter faith, as in verse 23. "But before faith, (i. e. the Gospel dispensation) came, we (the church of God) were kept under the law, shut up unto the faith," and verse 25, "But after that faith is come, we are no longer under a schoolmaster." The misappliers teach the very reverse of this, and say we are now under a schoolmaster, making the moral law this schoolmaster. The Levitical dispensation was typical, and as such taught the gospel, but in a way comparatively dark, being but a shadow of it, and speaking in a language (symbolical) requiring to be studied and learned as by a

boy at school, and in the beginning of the fourth chapter, the church is described under that dispensation, as a child under tutors and governors, iv. 1-3. But the gospel dispensation is a plain and full revelation, and under it the church is delivered from the former state of minority, bondage, and darkness, as is plainly declared in the 7th verse, "Wherefore thou art

no more a servant, but a Son, &c." But some may say, Although the passage is to be understood according to this explication; yet the moral law of the ten commandments may be properly said to act as a schoolmaster to bring us to Christ, inasmuch as conviction of sin is a necessary preparation for the reception of the gospel, and the moral law produces this. The writer does not object to the use of it for this purpose, but asserts that the passage has no reference to such use. He would further observe, 1st. that every man, however situated, as to time or place, finds himself under a law, and that he is convicted of guilt by his conscience as a transgressor, and is so far fitted for the reception of the gospel, which may be immediately preached to every creature;-and 2nd. that the gospel itself contains the best means for conviction of sin, and alone produces a full and spiritual one; we then, and then only see and feel the enormous guilt of sin, when we see the beloved Son of God as a victim making atonement, &c. for it.

To the believer, the moral law is of great value; by it is the knowledge of sin, and so forms a rule of obedience, but it does not contain the gospel, nor bring us unto Christ; it is the gospel which does this, or rather which brings Christ to us. T. G.

THIS is a very attractive volume, neatly printed, on handsome paper, and embellished with a well engraved portrait of Milton: but this is all which can be said in its commendation. We have always regarded Mr. Ivimey as a man of plain good sense, and sterling piety, though by no means distinguished for literary attainments. We could not however have supposed, that so crude and incorrect a volume could ever have proceeded from his pen ; nor are we able on any sound principles to account for many of the positions which he has thought proper to advance. It will generally be conceded that Milton is one of the first, if not the very first poet in the English language. His style both as an English and Latin prose writer is vigorous, pure, and classical; and the theological sentiments embodied in his Epic Poems are generally speaking at once sublime and Scriptural. But we entirely dissent from the position of Mr. Ivimey, that Milton's character' is perhaps still the fairest, even with this glaring defect, (namely his brutal conduct towards his erring wife) of any which our country or the world has produced.' P. 96. Not to mention a single (churchmen, we maintain it to be a libel upon the Christian character of such men as Andrew Fuller, Robert Hall, or Dr. Carey, to assert for one moment that Milton's character can be compared with theirs. Mr. Ivimey indeed acknowledges that before he read Milton's Treatise of Christian doctrine, he had placed him as a theologian in the first rank of uninspired men ; ' but that his high opinion of him has been greatly lowered, and that he could weep over him on account of

MARCH 1833.

1833.

his having ventured to use 'his pen to lower the dignity of our Divine Lord, of whom it is written " that all men should honour the Son, even as they honour the Father.' But he closes his work by declaring

That as a stern patriot, an ardent lover of his country, as an enlightened Christian contending for the unalienable birthright of conscience in matters of religion, as a zealous protestant defending the doctrines of the Reformation, and as a genuine believer, "careful to maintain good works," I consider him as having realized and exemplified his devout wish mentioned in a former part of this work-As

FOR ME, MY WISH IS TO LIVE AND TO DIE AN HONEST MAN.'

We are by no means disposed to enter at any length on the subject of Milton's patriotism, though to us his conduct appears exceedingly inconsistent. He came home as the advocate of popular liberty. He spent some time in safe, if not inglorious retirement;' and he then, when the danger was well over, appeared as the unhesitating advocate of Cromwell, who destroyed every semblance of public freedom, and who swayed the sceptre of the British government with a sterner grasp than any rightful monarch who ever possessed the British throne, with the exception of Henry the 8th, if indeed he can be excepted. It may indeed in Mr. Ivimey's estimation be a proof of Milton's care "to maintain good works," that immediately after the cruel murder of King Charles the 1st, which every Christian denomination protested against as an unjustifiable and wanton act of cruelty, he should spring forth as the defender of the mili

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tary faction by whom that barbarous act had been committed, and who he most unjustly identifies with the people of England.

But we should have thought, after what Mr. Ivimey has himself written concerning Milton's work on the Doctrine and Discipline of Divorce, and which he declares contains principles which would procure the expulsion of even a Milton now, (from a Baptist church)

and which nothing but a public retractation of them would be sufficient to procure his being restored,' he would have had some hesitation in exhibiting Milton as careful to maintain good works, though he might still perhaps have been justified in declaring that he has never been charged with open immorality.

Milton was evidently a lordly and tyrannical husband, and probably a harsh and severe father; but in other respects we know little of his private character; nor is it by any means certain whether he was a Baptist, an Independent, or indeed a member of any particular church. It is very doubtful whether for many years he attended at all on public worship, or even observed family prayer in his own house : aud although Mr. Ivimey censures Mr. Richardson, and Dr. Johnson, for their observations on this neglect of visible worship; he affords no proof that those observations were unfounded.

Many have written well on religion, who were obviously not under the influence of any serious principle; and the devout effusions of Milton's muse no more demonstrate his personal piety, than the moral and religious sentiments which are to be met with in a few of Dryden's pages, can obliterate the recollection of his very improper conduct. When, however, Mr. I. asserts that Milton's being frequented by foreigners to the last,' is a remarkable proof that when a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh even his

enemies to be at peace with him,” he appears to us guilty of a very gross misapplication, if not perversion, of Holy Writ.

*

The volume contains numerous extracts from the prose writings of Milton, many of which are certainly in no point of view worthy of preservation. It includes also, above sixty pages of official letters written by Milton, under the direction of Cromwell, on behalf of the persecuted protestants in Savoy, together with some warm eulogies on the character and conduct of Cromwell, whose statue, Mr. Ivimey hopes, may speedily adorn Westminster Abbey. Whether Mr. I. anticipates that our reformed parliament will provide such a monument at the public expense; whether he intends to promote a private subscription among his personal friends, or whether he merely intends by this to insinuate that the ministers of his own denomination regard the general proceedings of this usurper with unmingled complacency, and desire that, in these days of purturbation, other daring adventurers should imitate Cromwell's conduct, we are not prepared to say. We are happy however to find, that some of our dissenting brethren entertain a very different opinion, and we know not how we can more suitably close the present article, than by the following extract from the Rev. Mr. Morrel's History of England.

We should be sorry to misrepresent Mr. Ivimey, and therefore annex the following extract.

It appears that MILTON was now advanced from his office to the council, to be Latin Secretary to that most extraordinary man OLIVER CROMWELL; for whose statue I venture to bespeak a niche among the illustrious dead in Westminster Abbey; not doubting from recent events, but the time will come, when the governors of the nation will be so sensible of the obligations of Britain to that illustrious ruler, and his noble compatriots, as, maugre the mean power of ignorance and prejudice, will decree him a monumental inscription in the sepulchres of our kings.'p. 158.

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Yet, notwithstanding these redeeming qualities in the character of Cromwell, which may serve to diminish the obloquy which has been poured upon his memory, after every abatement has been made which the most enlarged candour or charity can urge, it were easy to make out a long catalogue of political crimes of no ordinary magnitude. The first of these, and indeed that which led all the rest in its malignant train, was principled and insatiable ambition. It was this that prompted him to enter the lists of civil discord, to meditate, and eventually to accomplish the death of his lawful sovereign; to break down the mounds of social order, and the barriers of constituted authority; to usurp a dignity to which he had no legal claim, and either by force or fraud to remove whatever obstructed him in his ambitious career. To the dominant influence of this infernal passion, it is to be ascribed, that he was passionately devoted to war, not indeed for its own sake, but because of the military glory it enabled him to acquire, and the boundless field it opened to his ambition.'

It was this that rendered him so expert in the arts of dissimulation, that while he unmasked the motives, and detected the secret

machinations of others, his own were alike concealed from his most confidential friends, and most vigilant foes. Whether he were in his religious character a consummate hypocrite, or a wild enthusiast, it may not be easy to determine; but it is most certain, that in political affairs, he was a profound dissembler, and well knew how to mislead even the most sagacious statesman of his age.

But how salutary and instructive is the lesson which the closing scene of Cromwell's life conveys to posterity. He who had proudly set at defiance all the powers of Europe, is seen to tremble at the shaking of a leaf! He that had oft-times been undaunted on the embattled plain, while the shafts of death were flying thickly around him, becomes a terror to himself, and starts at his own shadow! In every passing stranger he imagines a traitor and an assassin! Thus do usurpation, ambition, and violence, not unfrequently bring forth the bitter fruits of remorse, and terror, and agonizing despair, even in the present life; nor could it be expected, that the last end of that man would be peace, who had imbrued his hands in the blood of his prince, and trampled under foot the constitutional liberties of his country.'

WE took up this pamphlet with somewhat of anxiety; we read it with care; and lay it down with thankfulness. It seemed to announce some very great, serious, alarming, crying evil, calling for

immediate and decisive remedy; we apprehend, however, that every unprejudiced reader will feel that the evils have been exceedingly exaggerated, that the remedies have been promptly applied, and