[The following brief extracts confirm Mr. Adams' opinion, that Great Britain is not indifferent to this monstrous outrage on the laws of nature and of nations.]

LONDON PATRIOT.

The British public ought to be made aware of what is going on at present in Texas; of the true cause and the true nature of the contest between the Mexican authorities and the American slave-jobbers.

Texas has long been the Naboth's vineyard of brother Jonathan. For twenty years or more, an anxiety has been manifested to push back the boundary of the United States' territory, of which the Sabine river is the agreed line, so as to include the rich alluvial lands of the delta of the Colorado, at the head of the Gulf of Mexico. There are stronger passions at work, however, than the mere lust of territory-deeper interests at stake. Texas belongs to a republic which has abolished slavery; the object of the Americans is to convert it into a slaveholding state; not only to make it the field of slave cultivation, and a market for the Maryland slave-trade, but, by annexing it to the Federal Union, to strengthen in congress the preponderating influence of the southern slaveholding states.

This atrocious project is the real origin and cause of the pretended contest for Texian independence-a war, on the part of the United States, of unprovoked aggression for the vilest of all purposes.-July 6, 1836.

HOUSE OF COMMONS-August 6.

TEXAS.

Mr. B. Hoy rose to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice. It was on a subject of the utmost importance to the cause of humanity, of immense importance to our colonial possessions, and to our merchants who had embarked seventy millions of dollars in Mexico. If the United States were suffered to wrest Texas from Mexico, would not Cuba, and other Mexican possessions, fall a prey to the United States? The war now going on in Texas was a war not for independence, but for slavery; and he would contend, that should the revolt in Texas be successful, that province would still be bound by the treaty Mexico entered into with this country when Texas formed part of the Mexican dominions, to prevent the carrying on of the slave-trade within its territory; the number of states in the Union had originally been thirteen; they were now increased to twenty-six, and if Texas were added to the Union, there could be no doubt the basis of the connection would be to establish slavery and the slave-trade permanently in that province. He begged to ask the noble lord opposite, Lord Palmerston, if within the last ten days he had not received an application from the Mexican government for the good offices of this country to remonstrate with the United States against the gross violation of treaties, and the aggressions of their southern states.

He was of opinion that England ought not only to remonstrate with America, but to have a naval force on the coast to support Mexico against American aggressions. The honorable member concluded by moving, "That an humble address be presented to the Crown, praying that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to direct that such measures be taken as to his Majesty may seem proper, to secure the fulfilment of the existing treaty between this country and Mexico, and to prevent the establishment of slavery and traffic in slaves, in the province of Texas, in the Mexican territory."

Mr. H. G. WARD seconded the amendment, which involved a subject upon which he had been long and was deeply interested. The importance of Texas was but little known in this house or by the country. The province itself consisted of a large tract of the finest land, it had numerous good and only two bad ports, and the possession of it would give to the parties obtaining it the full command of the whole Gulf of Mexico. The Mexican government on its first intercourse with this country, an intercourse of increased and still increasing commercial importance to

this country, had stipulated for the abolition in its territory of the slave-trade, and he (Mr. Ward) could state that this stipulation had been most rigidly enforced and observed, and he did not believe that there were now in the Mexican states, except Texas, twenty slaves. To Texas, the United States had long turned covetous eyes, and to obtain possession of that province had been the first object of its policy. During his residence in Mexico, America contrived to have a proposal made to the Mexican government offering ten millions of dollars for certain privileges in Texas, and that proposition having been refused, America then proceeded to encourage the settlement of Texas with the refuse of her own southern states, who took possession of the land without title, or pretension to any title, and thus drew into it a population exclusively slave and American. A declaration of independence next followed. That declaration issued from men recognising no law, and signed by only one Mexican, the President of the Province, a man of talent, it was true, but who had dealt most largely in Texas lands, and sought his own advantage. He was supposed to have formed a connexion with some influential men of the American Cabinet, and amongst them with Mr. Forsyth. What then had followed?— America having created a population in Texas in the way he had stated, and having given to it every possible assistance, a committee of foreign relations in the senate, came in with a report signed by Mr. Clay, for whom he entertained a high respect, discussing the necessity of recognising the declaration of the independence of Texas. The tendency of the whole report was to show the propriety at a future time, to annex Texas to the United States. The question, therefore, for the house to consider was-first, the general policy of allowing a state, without remonstrance, to extend itself, and thus put an end to the trade between this country and Mexico -the connexion between which could be completely cut off by a few American privateers ensconced in the Texian ports. The principle had been disclaimed in 1835, when it was proposed to annex part of Cuba to the United States, and that instance ought to guide this country in not allowing this contemplated extension of the American territory. The next consideration was, whether the country would now allow a renewal and an increase of the slave-trade? Such would be the result of this policy on the part of America, and from a pamphlet he had received this day, it appeared that the non-slavery states of America had themselves been roused to a sense of their own danger if that policy were successful. It was well known that there had long been a struggle between the slave states and the non-slave states in congress, and parties were equally balanced; but if Texas should eventually be annexed to the Federal Union, eighteen votes in congress at Washington would be added to those in favor of that most degrading feature in the civilized worldslavery. On all these grounds, he most cordially supported the motion of the honorable member from Southampton. (Hear, hear.)-Speech of Mr. H. G. Ward, formerly Envoy Extraordinary to Mexico from England.

Mr. F. BUXTON expressed his belief that if the Americans should obtain possession of Texas, which had been truly described as forming one of the fairest harbors in the world, a greater impulse would be given to the slave-trade than had been experienced for many years. If the British government did not interfere to prevent the Texian territory from falling into the hands of the American slaveholders, in all probability a greater traffic in slaves would be carried on during the next fifty years, than had ever before existed. The war at present being waged in Texas, differed from any war which had ever been heard of.

It was not a war for the extension of territory-it was not a war of aggressionit was not one undertaken for the advancement of national glory; it was a war which had for its sole object the obtaining of a market for slaves-(hear, hear.) He would not say that the American government connived at the proceedings which had taken place; but it was notorious that the Texians had been supplied with munitions of war of all sorts by the slaveholders of the United States-(hear, hear.) Without meaning to cast any censure upon the government, he thought that the house had a right to demand that the secretary for foreign affairs adopt strong measures to prevent the establishment of a new and more extensive market for the slave-trade than had ever before existed.-London Times.

WILLIAM B. REED.

Every member of congress from this state, with one or two exceptions, sustained the prohibition of slavery on the ground of its consistency with Pennsylvania principles; and in their course, let it be remembered, they were cheered and encouraged by the positive and peremptory instructions of the legislature. Those instructions are now before me, and I submit a portion of them to the consideration of the House, as being a renewed expression of the opinions of 1780. They form a link between the principles contained in the act of abolition, and one other legislative precedent of a later date, presently to be referred to.-These resolutions were passed on the 22d of December, 1819.

"The senate and house of representatives of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, whilst they cherish the right of the individual states to express their opinions upon all public measures proposed in the congress of the Union, are aware that its usefulness must, in a great degree, depend upon the discretion with which it is exercised; they believe that the right ought not to be resorted to, upon trivial subjects or unimportant occasions, but they are also persuaded, that there are moments when the neglect to exercise it would be a dereliction of public duty.

Such an occasion as in their judgment demands the frank expression of the sentiments of Pennsylvania, is now presented.

"Under these convictions, and in the full persuasion that upon this topic there is but one opinion in Pennsylvania,

"Resolved, That the senators and representatives of this state in the congress of the United States be, and they are hereby requested to vote against the admission of any territory, as a state, into the Union, unless the further introduction of slavery or involuntary servitude, except the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be prohibited, and all children born within the said territory, after its admission into the Union as a state, shall be free." "

The last precedent to which I shall refer the House on this subject, is the resolution of the 23d of January, 1829, relative to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, which instructed our senators and representatives to procure, if practicable, the passage of a law to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, in such a manner as they may consider consistent with the rights of individuals, and the constitution of the United States. You, Mr. Speaker, will recollect this resolution. It received nearly the unanimous sanction of both branches of the legislature. Such, then, are the recorded sentiments, the voluntary and unsolicited expressions of Pennsylvania legislation on this subject of domestic slavery, as a matter of national, as well as municipal concern, and the question recurs whether at this late hour of invigorated philanthropy and intelligence, when we are forced, as has been shown, to the utterance of our sentiments, we shall disavow these cherished opinions. If the swords of the Texians should win for them an existence independent of Mexico, it must necessarily be so precarious, that application for admission into our Union would follow as a measure of necessary self-defence. One of the complaints made by the Texians is that the Mexican government will not permit the introduc tion of slaves, and one of the first fruits of independence and secure liberty (unnatural as is the paradox) will be the extension of slavery, and both the domestic and foreign slave-trade, over the limits of a territory large enough to form five states as large as Pennsylvania. Such being the result, what becomes of any real or imaginary balance between the South and the North—the slaveholding and non-slaveholding interests? Five or more slaveholding states, with their additional representation, thoroughly imbued with southern feeling, thoroughly attached to what the South Carolina resolutions, now before us, call "the patriarchal institution of domestic slavery," added to the Union, and where is the security of the North, and of the interests of free labor?-These are questions worth considering the more so, as the war fever which is now burning in the veins of this community, and exhibiting itself in all the usual unreflecting expressions of sympathy and resentment, has disturbed the judgment of the nation, and distorted every notion of right and wrong. Let the Texians win independence as they can. That is their affair, not ours. But let no statesman that loves his country think of admitting such an increment of slaveholding population into this Union. He (Mr. R.) could not but fear that there

was a deep laid plan to admit Texas into the Union, with a view to an increase of slaveholding representation in congress; and while he viewed it, in connexion with the growing indifference perceptible in some quarters, he could not but feel melancholy forebodings.-Speech in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, June 11th, 1836.

The following document, considering the avouched character of the gentlemen whose names are signed to it, and attest its truth, is entitled to a place in our columns:-National Intelligencer.

TO THE PUBLIC.

The undersigned deem it an act of justice, not to themselves alone, but to the community of which they are members, more especially to those whose generous sympathies were so deeply enlisted in the cause of Texas, to make known the causes which have induced them to abandon an enterprise in which they embarked with so many fond and flattering hopes. They would have been glad to have been spared this painful task. They take no pleasure in the performance of an act which may tend to check the universal current of kindness and sympathy which has been manifested by the people of Kentucky towards the people of Texas, from the beginning of their revolution down to the present time. They have too distinct a recollection of their own feelings when they quitted their homes, to aid the cause, as they then thought, of civil and religious freedom, not to know that their return and this brief expose of their motives which induced it, will cause a pang of mortification in many bosoms which now throb with exultation in the hope of Texian freedom. Nothing but a sense of duty-of the obligation which rests upon them to justify themselves to the world, could now impel them to expose the unhappy civil and political condition of Texas, to declare, as they now do, their solemn convictions of her total unworthiness of aid and sympathy. We might perhaps be content with this declaration of our opinions, but we will proceed briefly to fortify these opinions by a detail of facts.

We will not dwell upon the false assurances made to us by men professing to be the accredited agents of Texas in this country. At a time when the cause of Texas was dark and gloomy, when Santa Anna seemed designed to carry desolation over the whole country, those men were prodigal of promises, and professing to be authorized to speak in the name of the Texian Government, made assurances of ultimate remuneration, which they knew at the time to be false, and which time proved to be so.

We now state that our personal observation and undoubted information enabled us fully to perceive, 1st. That the present population of Texas seemed wholly incapable of a just idea of civil and political liberty, and that, so far as the extension of liberal principles is concerned, it is of but little moment whether Mexico or Texas succeed in the struggle.

2d. That the mass of the people, from the highest functionary of their pretended government to the humblest citizen (with but few exceptions), are animated alone by a desire of plunder, and appear totally indifferent whom they plunder, friends or foes. 3d. That even now, there is really no organized government in the country, no laws administered, no judiciary, a perpetual struggle going on between the civil and military departments, and neither having the confidence of the people, or being worthy of it. We will here state one or two facts, which may tend to show the estimation in which they are respectively held by each other, and their capacity to enforce their orders. The Secretary of War came down with a quartermaster, and steamboat to carry his loading, consisting of provisions, clothing, &c., to the main army. Captain Switzer, volunteer emigrant from Ohio, who had lately arrived, wanted some clothing for his men, and determined that unless he was first supplied with such articles as he desired, the expedition should not proceed. He took possession of the fort under the command of Colonel Morgan, loaded the cannon, and prepared to fire on them, if they attempted to move without his permission. He then sent a file of men on board, and took the vessel in his own possession, and sent the honorable secretary, with his quartermaster and steamboat, back to Velasco! Again, the president and cabinet appointed General Lamar to the chief command

of the army, the army promptly refused to receive him, and the power and authority of the cabinet were contemptuously disregarded. The army then doubtlessly after due deliberation, resolved that the cabinet was either corrupt or imbecile, (probably both,) and it being necessary, in their opinion, to get rid of them, determined to do so by a summary process. They therefore sent on an officer with instructions forthwith to arrest them, and bring them on to head quarters to be tried according to the military usage. This order, however, was not executed, simply because the officer charged with its execution had not the physical force requisite.

These facts and others sufficiently demonstrate to us that the cabinet was deficient in all the requisites of a good government, and that no one in his senses would trust himself, his reputation, or his fortunes, to their charge or control. Charged with treason, bribery, and usurpations, weak in their councils, and still weaker in power to enforce their orders, we perceived at once that we must look for safety and proper inducements elsewhere. We then turned our eyes to the army, and a scene still more disheartening presented itself; undisciplined, and without an effort to become so; not a roll called, nor a drill; no regular encampment; no authority nor obedience; with plundering parties for self-emolument, robbing private individuals of their property. We could see nothing to induce us to embark our fortunes and destinies with them. With these views and facts, we could but sicken and wonder at the vile deceptions which had been practised upon us; yet we are told that this people had risen up in their might to vindicate the cause of civil and religious liberty. It is a mockery of the very name of liberty. They are stimulated by that motive which such men can only appreciate the hope of plunder. They are careless of the form of government under which they live, if that government will tolerate licentiousness and disorder. Such is a brief, but, we sincerely believe, a faithful picture of a country to which we were invited with so much assiduity, and such the manner in which we were received and treated.

We might multiply facts in support of each proposition here laid down, to show the miserable condition of things in Texas, and the utter impossibility that a man of honor could embark in such a cause with such men. Should it be rendered necessary, we may yet do so; but for the present we will pause with this remark, that if there be any, now, in Kentucky, whose hearts are animated with the desire of an honorable fame, or to secure a competent settlement for themselves or families, they must look to some other theatre than the plains of Texas. We would say to them, Listen not to the deceitful and hypocritical allurements of LAND SPECULATORS, who wish you to fight for their benefit, and who are as liberal of promises as they are faithless in performance. We are aware of the responsibility which we incur by this course. We are aware that we subject ourselves to the misrepresentations of hired agents and unprincipled landmongers; but we are willing to meet it all, relying upon the integrity of our motives and the correctness of our course. We left our native land, our peaceful fireside, with a solemn resolution to devote our undivided energies to stop the course of Mexican desolation, and build up a free and flourishing commonwealth. The very fact of our going sufficiently indicates the depth and sincerity of our devotion to the cause. Our return, and the circumstances which caused it, equally proclaim our infatuation. That others may not be alike deluded, is an additional motive with us to make this publication.

Lexington, Sept. 10, 1836.

EDWARD J. WILSON,
G. L. POSTLETHWAITE.

NEW-YORK SUN.

Extract from General Houston's letter to General Dunlap, of Nashville"For a portion of this force we must look to the United States. It cannot reach us too soon. There is but one feeling in Texas, in my opinion, and that is to establish the independence of Texas, and to be attached to the United States."

Here, then, is an open avowal by the commander-in-chief of the Texian army, that American troops will be required to seize and sever this province of the Mexi