proach you with proper and due respect, in the temper of a Christian, and the firmness of a veteran American freeman, to plead the cause of injured innocence, and open my mouth for my oppressed brethren, who cannot open theirs for themselves. I ask no pecuniary advantage for myself; neither post nor pension. I feel the sweets of American liberty; I trust I am sensible of, and thankful for the favor; and am not easy to partake of mine so partially, and see, and hear, and know of my brethren and fellow mortals being so arbitrarily and cruelly deprived of theirs, and not enter my protest. I desire to have this favor and blessing continued to myself and posterity, and cannot but view the tenure, both to myself and countrymen, as very precarious, while a plea is founded on the general constitution, in bar of the rights of man, and the equal distribution of justice being confirmed; that the views of a righteous government would be to promote the welfare of mankind universally, as well those of other nations, as the subjects or citizens of its own; and, therefore, that it is obligatory on the United States, to prevent the citizens thereof injuring the inhabitants of Africa, as those of one state the citizens of another; and I doubt not, in the least, if Africa was in a situation to send fleets and armies here to retaliate, but congress would soon devise means, without violating the constitution, to prevent our citizens from aggravating them. The almost daily accounts I have of the inhumanity perpetrated in these states, on this race of men, distresses me night and day, and brings the subject of the slave-trade with more pressure on my spirit; and I believe I feel a measure of the same obligation that the prophet did when he was ordered to "cry aloud, spare not, lift up thy voice like a trumpet, aud show my people their transgressions, and the house of Jacob their sins." And here I think I can show that our nation is revolting from the law of God, the law of reason and humanity, and the just principles of government, and with rapid strides establishing tyranny and oppression.

In a pamphlet, entitled "Observations on the American Revolution," published by order of Congress, in 1779, the following sentiments are declared to the world, viz:

The great principle (of government) is and ever will remain in force, that men are by nature free; as accountable to him that made them, they must be so; and so long as we have any idea of divine justice, we must associate that of human freedom. Whether men can part with their liberty, is among the questions which have exercised the ablest writers; but it is concluded on all hands, that the right to be free can never be alienated-still less is it practicable for one generation to mortgage the privileges of another.

Humane petitions have been presented to excite in congress benevolent feelings for the sufferings of our fellow-citizens under cruel bondage to the Turks and Algerines, and that the national power and influence might be exerted for their relief; with this virtuous application I unite, but lament that any of my countrymen, who are distinguished as men eminently qualified for public stations,

should be so enslaved by illiberal prejudice as to treat with contempt a like solicitude for another class of men still more grievously oppressed.

I profess freely, and am willing my profession was known over the world, that I feel the calls of humanity as strong towards an African in America, as an American in Algiers, both being my brethren ; especially as I am informed the Algerine treats his slave with more humanity; and I believe the sin of oppression on the part of the American is greatest in the sight of the Father of the family of mankind.

I hope some will excuse my inserting, in this apologetic expostulation, a few texts of scripture as they revive-I trust there are some of our rulers who yet believe in the authenticity of the Holy Scriptures; what revives now, is the declaration of our Lord, Matt. 25th chapter and 41st verse: “Then shall he say also to them on the left hand, depart from me ye cursed," &c. They also shall answer him, saying "When saw we thee an hungered, or athirst, or a stranger, or naked, or sick, or in prison, and did not minister unto thee?" His answer then you may read, "Inasmuch as you did it not to the least of these, ye did it not to me.'

WARNER MIFFLIN.

Kent County, Delaware, 2d of 1st mo. 1793.

WILLIAM EATON.

[The Tunisians had captured nine hundred and twenty Sardinian slaves, of whom General Eaton thus makes mention :]

"Many have died of grief, and the others linger out a life less tolerable than death. Alas-remorse seizes my whole soul when I reflect, that this is indeed but a copy of the very barbarity which my eyes have seen in my own native country. And yet we boast of liberty and national justice. How frequently in the southern states of my own country, have I seen weeping mothers leading the guiltless infant to the sales with as deep anguish as if they led them to the slaughter; and yet felt my bosom tranquil in the view of these aggressions on defenceless humanity. But when I see the same enormities practised upon beings whose complexions and blood claim kindred with my own, I curse the perpetrators, and weep over the wretched victims of their rapacity. Indeed, truth and justice demand from me the confession, that the Christian slaves among the barbarians of Africa, are treated with more humanity than the African slaves among professing Christians of civilized America; and yet here sensibility bleeds at every pore for the wretches whom fate has doomed to slavery."—Letter to his wife.

WILLIAM RAY.

At Georgia's southern point begin ye,
And travel up through old Virginia,
What's to be seen where people boast
Of being friends to freedom most?
Behold the lordly planter stand,
The lash still reeking in his hand,
O'er the poor slave whose only sin is
That his, alas! a sable skin is;

This gives the wretch whose hide is white,
To slay him an undoubted right;
From country and his friends compel him
To starve, to murder, or to sell him;
Whose treatment crueller and worse is
Than that of cattle, swine, or horses:
And e'en they often say, the slave
Has not, like him, a soul to save.

Are you republicans ?-away!
'Tis blasphemy the word to say.
You talk of freedom? Out, for shame!
Your lips contaminate the name.
How dare you prate of public good,

Your hands besmear'd with human blood?
How dare you lift those hands to heav'n,
And ask or hope to be forgiven?
How dare you breathe the wounded air,
That wafts to heaven the negro's prayer?
How dare you tread the conscious earth,
That gave mankind an equal birth?
And while you thus inflict the rod,
How dare you say there is a God

That will, in justice, from the skies,
Hear and avenge his creature's cries?

"Slaves to be sold," hark, what a sound?
Ye give America a wound,

A scar, a stigma of disgrace,

Which you nor time can e'er efface;

And prove, of nations yet unborn,

The curse, the hatred, and the scorn!

The Horrors of Slavery, or Tars of Tripoli.

CAPTAIN RILEY.

Strange as it may seem to the philanthropist, my free and proudspirited countrymen still hold a million and a half of human beings in the most cruel bonds of slavery; who are kept at hard labor, and smarting under the lash of inhuman mercenary drivers; in many instances enduring the miseries of hunger, thirst, imprisonment, cold, nakedness, and even tortures. This is no picture of the imagination. For the honor of human nature, I wish likenesses were nowhere to be found! I myself have witnessed such scenes in different parts of my own country; and the bare recollection of them now chills my blood with horror.-Riley's Narrative.

U. S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

"Resolved, That the Speaker be requested to acknowledge the receipt and acceptance of Clarkson's History of Slavery, presented by the American Convention for promoting the abolition of slavery, and improving the condition of the Africans, and that the said work be deposited in the library."-Resolution, Feb. 18, 1809.

DE WITT CLINTON.

During this period of his legislative career (1797), a large portion of his attention was bestowed on the protection of the public health, the promotion of agriculture, manufactures, and the arts, the gradual abolition of slavery, &c.

The record of the proceedings of the senate of New York for the sessions of 1809, 1810, and 1811, exhibits proofs of Mr. Clinton's great usefulness. Under his auspices, the New-York Historical Society was incorporated-the Orphan Asylum and Free School Societies were fostered and encouraged. He introduced laws to prevent kidnapping, or the further introduction of slaves, and to punish those who should treat them inhumanly.-De Witt Clinton's Life in Delaplaine's Repository.

DANIEL D. TOMPKINS.

To devise the means for the gradual and ultimate extermination from amongst us of slavery, that reproach of a free people, is a work worthy the representatives of a polished and enlightened nation.

Allow me here to observe, that the law which authorizes the transportation of slaves convicted of offences, is very generally considered impolitic and unjust. Impolitic, because it cherishes inducements in the master, to whom alone these unfortunate creatures can look for friendship and protection, to aggravate, to tempt, or to entrap the slave into an error-to operate upon his ignorance or his fears, to confess a charge, or to withhold from him the means of employing counsel for defence, or of establishing a reputation which is frequently the only shield against a criminal allegation. This inducement will be peculiarly strong, where the slave is of that description, the sale of which is prohibited; for a conviction will enable the master to evade that restriction, and to make a lucrative disposition of what might otherwise be a burthen to him. It is unjust, because transportation is added to the full sentence which may be pronounced upon others. To inflict less punishment for the crimes of those who have always breathed the air of freedom, who have been benefited by polished

society, and by literary, moral, and religious instruction and example, than to the passions and frailties of the poor, untutored, unrefined, and unfortunate victims of slavery, is a palpable inversion of a precept of our benevolent Redeemer. The servant " that knew not, and did commit things worthy of stripes, shall be beaten with few stripes; for unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall be much required." -Speech to New-York Legislature, Jan. 8, 1812.

ANDREW JACKSON.

Proclamation to the free colored inhabitants of Louisiana.—Through a mistaken policy, you have heretofore been deprived of a participation in the glorious struggle for national rights in which our country is engaged. This no longer shall exist.

As sons of freedom, you are now called upon to defend our most inestimable blessing. As Americans, your country looks with confidence to her adopted children, for a valorous support, as a faithful return for the advantages enjoyed under her mild and equitable government. As fathers, husbands, and brothers, you are summoned to rally round the standard of the eagle, to defend all which is dear in existence.

Your country, although calling for your exertions, does not wish you to engage in the cause, without amply remunerating you for the services rendered. Your intelligent minds are not to be led away by false representations. Your love of honor would cause you to I despise the man who should attempt to deceive you. In the sincerity of a soldier, and the language of truth, I address you.

To every noble hearted, generous freeman of color, volunteering to serve during the present contest with Great Britain, and no longer, there will be paid the same bounty, in money and lands, now received by the white soldiers of the United States, viz: one hundred and twenty-four dollars in money, and one hundred and sixty acres of land. The non-commissioned officers and privates will, also, be entitled to the same monthly pay, and daily rations and clothes, furnished to any American soldier.

On enrolling yourselves in companies, the major-general commanding will select officers for your government from your white fellow-citizens. Your non-commissioned officers will be appointed from among yourselves.

Due regard will be paid to the feelings of freemen and soldiers. You will not, by being associated with white men in the same corps, be exposed to improper comparisons or unjust sarcasm. As a distinct, independent battalion or regiment, pursuing the path of glory, you will, undivided, receive the applause and gratitude of your countrymen.

To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions and my anxiety to engage your invaluable services to our country, I have communicated