minent perils which threaten their liberties, "as a lion rouses himself and shakes the dew-drops from his mane." For, (recently said a great statesman and patriot,) "when I distrust the intelligence and virtue of the people, I must distrust every thing, the very possibility of a popular government, or of the existence of liberty."

The scene I have been describing, was not a salutary "Reform" of the abuses, which in the progress of time, had crept into our institutions, but a most daring and dangerous attack on the very foundations of those institutions; not the genial warmth of the sun bringing forth fresh verdure, flowers and fruits, but a tornado, 'instinct with fire and nitre," rushing over the land, and marking its course with ruin and desolation.

CHAPTER VII.

Party Organization.

"'Tis the times' plague, when madmen lead the blind."

THE "Headsman" of the Jackson party in Boston, having purged the Custom House, and filled it with his retainers, he and his confederates next turned their attention to confirming their dominion over the Jackson party of the State, and to holding in check every ambitious or refractory country member, who might, at some future time, defy their authority, and in the exuberance of his patriotism,-like Jeshurun,-"wax fat and kick." Having constituted themselves a Central power, and being armed with the influence of the Government, by the possession of the most valuable offices in its gift, they prepared to put a bridle into the mouth of the democracy of Massachusetts, so that thereafter, they could mount

and ride it, either at a canter, trot, pace, or walk, as best suited their policy and interests. Knowing it was impossible that Judge Morton could ever be elected Governor of the State, because all who regarded him as an upright magistrate would not consent to dispense with his valuable services on the Bench, and because the genuine democrats never would yield to the violation of their principles by voting for a judicial officer while he continued to act as such;—they, (as their first movement,) determined that the Judge should be the perpetual candidate of their party. It was apparent, that while the Jackson party in Massachusetts was feeble and contemptible in strength and numbers, they had a fair chance of keeping at its head. And therefore, it was represented at Washington, and to the great leaders of the party in the States, that it would be of peculiar benefit to the cause, if old "Hartford Convention," "old federal" Massachusetts, was suffered to remain in opposition to Jackson's Administration. She had been opposed to Jefferson and Madison, and by being kept in opposition to Jackson, it would prove that his Administration was decidedly democratic! It is lamentable, that so excellent a man, and so popular a magistrate as Judge Morton, should have suffered himself to be made the dupe of this miserable conspiracy. I declare my belief, with a firm conviction of its truth, that the Statesman party never intended he should be the Governor of this Commonwealth; and that if at any time they had suspected his chance was looking too favourable, they would, if possible, have defeated him by their own votes! As an evidence of this fact, and of their determination to keep the party "conveniently small," let me state that in February 1830, I was a guest at the supper of the Washington Society, at the Exchange Coffee House. I arrived late in the evening, and was conducted to the table by a member of the "Cabal." There were about 70 persons at the feast, and my conductor on entering the hall took occasion to say, "here you see a small but faithful body of our troops in Boston; they are all mechanics and laborers except we few who lead them. The Jackson party is large enough in Boston ;-" the fewer men, the greater share of honors." We do not wish a larger party in this City; every addition brings with it some damned curse, who immediately enters into competition with us for the "loaves and fishes;" You, we consider as one of us, and don't be concerned, you will get something bye and bye.

Let us have as many of the countrymen to join us as we can ;— we can manage them, but damn the Boston auxiliaries!" I can prove, that the same sentiments were expressed, to at least five different gentlemen, by the same Boston Jacksonian, at about this same period!

And further; when some time afterwards, (while I was a mem. ber of the Custom House,) Henry Lee, Esq. then supposed to be friendly to Jackson, was nominated as Representative to Congress, and I engaged with great zeal in his cause, by my pen and by .personal exertions, I was informed by the Collector, that I was doing a most mischievous act;"that we did not want a great Jackson party in Boston, nor the introduction of federalists into the party; they would only overrun us, and take the control of the party into their hands!"

Let any Jacksonman who is at all sceptical on this subject, read the Statesman from 1829 to 1834, and mark the course of the party and its votes in Boston during that period. The determination to have only a small Jackson party in the City, was so successfully pursued, that in 1832, the Jackson ticket for Senators for Suffolk, received only 300 votes, notwithstanding the sagacious and managing Mr. Simpson had consented to blazon it with his name. Yet there has been no time since Jackson's election, when 1500 Jackson votes might not have been polled in Boston, if it had been the object of the party managers, and proper and efficient measures had been adopted. This is manifest from several facts, fresh in the recollection of the citizens. Henry Lee in 1830, received (I think) 2500 votes for Representative to Congress. Gen. Lyman, in 1830, for the same office, on the first trial 700, when C. G. Greene the other Jackson candidate, at the same time, received 740 more ;-both, about 1500. On the next trial, Gen. Lyman received over 1200, although the Statesman party stationed Custom House officers at the polls to instruct their own faction not to vote at all, or to vote for Mr. Gorham, the "opposition" candidate. General Lyman would have been elected, had not the Statesman party withheld their votes or voted for his opponent—“the federal candidate." Now this was done, because they perceived, that if General Lyman succeeded, he would immediately become the chief of the Jackson party in Boston, and, consequently, that their "occupation" would be "gone"; they would lose the com

mand, and be merged in the general mass. The very nomination, at this time, of Mr. Charles G. Greene, the printer and ostensible editor of the Post and Statesman, was intended to prevent the election of a Jackson Representative. He is a pleasant fellow, always very neatly dressed, and gentlemanly in his manners; and in intelligence, information and learning, is as well qualified to represent the City of Boston in Congress, as about 4000 out of the 8000 voters, who have recently assembled there at the polls. More polished than "Pop Emmons," (a former candidate for City Rep. resentative to the State Legislature,) but less impressive in his appearance; more methodical in his eloquence, but less impetuous and soul-stirring; more oracular in his manner, but less imaginative and poignant. Pop moved the risibles, Charles the auricles; Pop disturbed the epigastrium, Charles the sensorium; Pop forced tears, (of laughter,) Charles, yawns!*

The nomination of Mr. Greene was, I have no doubt, intended as an insult on the Jackson party of the City, and to keep them from the polls; and they felt it as such, every man of them, save the Custom House party and its retainers.

To return to the plan of operation, by which the Statesman leaders succeeded in manacling the democracy of Massachusetts. Their next movement was to appoint, by their own authority, some gentleman supposed to be devoted to their interests, in every County of the State, as Chairman of a County Committee to be appointed by himself in that County. After he had thus selected his Committee, they were to appoint some person in every town of the County, as a Chairman of a Town Committee, and he selected his associates. I had the honor to be commissioned as the Chairman of the County Committee for Norfolk, and I performed my duties thoroughly in selecting my associates, and appointing Chairmen of Town Committees in every town in that County. My instructions declare that "in case of the appointment of Postmasters, or other officers, in which a town is immediately interested, the

*The Oration delivered by this gentleman in 1829 or '30, and published in the Statesman as his own, was not written by himself, but by a gentleman vastly superior to any one of "the party," now in office in Boston,-in talents, learning and eloquence, but whose merits they have hitherto contrived to keep in the back-ground.

Town Committee ought to express its views to 'the County Committee, who, if they approve, may sanction it and send it to the Central State Committee, who will transmit the recommendations to Washington." Now, David Henshaw was the Chairman of this Central State Committee, and John K. Simpson, Andrew Dunlap and Nathaniel Greene, &c. his associates. Of course not a single appointment could be made in Massachusetts, without their sanction! They were the Government! They gave away offices or withheld them, at their sovereign will and pleasure! Fouche himself, could not have devised a more beautiful scheme of internal police! It completely excluded the influence of every distinguished Jacksonman in the State, and placed the whole power and influence of the party, in the hands of David Henshaw, the Collector of the Customs!

If Martin Van Buren did not originate the plan, (and it, bears the impress of his genius,) it is certain that he recognized and assented to it. I have before me a letter dated Sept. '29, from the Central State Committee to me as Chairman of the Norfolk Committee, stating, that they had "addressed a letter to Mr. Van Buren recommending him to select for publishing the laws of the U. States, the Boston Statesman, the Worcester Republican, and the Pittsfield Sun." And requesting me, "forthwith to get my Committee to address Mr. Van Buren recommending this selection." We "did this job" for them, and the above newspapers were selected.

I remember that about this time, in conversation with a very distinguished democratic Jacksonian of Massachusetts, he told me that "he could not conjecture what the matter was at Washington; he thought he had, or ought to have some influence there; but nothing which he requested or recommended was granted. He believed he had lost all influence in that quarter." He had indeed; it was all engrossed by Henshaw & Co.!

Let us proceed to the next movement. Having determined to reduce the Boston Jackson party to nothing but a Custom House party, of a few hundreds, who would submit to their dictation in "passive obedience," the Statesman Cabal perceived the necessity of having a Jackson party somewhere in the State; because leaders without a party, Generals, Colonels and Majors thundering in the field without troops, would look very ridiculous.

Accord