"By David Henshaw, Esq. The public voice-Americans are "too honest to sacrifice the innocent to screen the guilty."

Mr. Simpson was, as usual, a little less direct and plump to the purpose ;-rather more flowery,-but equally conclusive.

'By John K. Simpson. The surviving officers of the Continental war-Subsequent misfortunes have not withered the "laurels won by them in the Revolution, nor tarnished the cord “which binds them to their neighbours and fellow-citizens !"

No, my "feathered Mercury," the "cord" still binds you to tory principles, and you will strive in vain to break it.

Now, I apprehend, that my democratic readers require no further comment on this most extraordinary exhibition of "old, Spartan, radical, unwavering, and genuine democracy!"

Disgusted with such shameless conduct,-with the total abandonment of political principle by the Statesman leaders, and their base hankering after office, I resumed my professional vocations with zeal and success. For several years, the party paper* was a wretched and feeble bantling, ready to be deposited on any wealthy statesman's door-stone who would yield it protection and sustenance. But, to the honor of New-England, no one was found willing to assume its paternity. The friends of Jackson in my county scouted it as a "cow-boy" of all parties, roaming over "neutral ground." With opinions unchanged, and our confidence of the ultimate triumph of our political leader unimpaired, we impatiently awaited the dawn of a brighter day.

But he

It came at last. The measures of Adams's Administration, by their temporising and imbecile character, invited opposition and gave a presage of future conquest. Clay was the only statesman in the Cabinet who united to great genius the boldness which could alone have saved a minority President. suffered his genius to be rebuked by Mr. Adams, and evinced such an inordinate anxiety to exonerate himself from the dishonourable imputations of his adversaries, that many who were at first incredulous, begun at last to think "there must be something in it." Experience seems to have proved in this country, that a distinguished statesman ought never to notice the accusations of his political opponents, however false and atrocious. So

The Boston Statesman.

loug as he is silent, the people consider such charges as only the usual lies of the newspapers ;-but the moment wounded honor, or self-respect, impels him to defy his accuser, then an impression is created that the arrow has hit him in a tender place. Who ever heard of Isaac Hill putting himself on his defence, or challenging an investigation either popular or judicial,-unless, indeed, some one had been whipping him, and then the "damages" make a very different case. No matter what accusation is levelled at his popularity, he has only quietly to say to his humble followers-" a federal lie," and there 's an end of it. And thus Hill has, for years, as despotically ruled in New-Hampshire as Dr. Francia ever did in Paraguay. Any man who is troubled with a nice sense of honor, and a keen sensibility to disgrace, should avoid public life as he would the cholera. It strikes me

that the only way to rise in public station is this;-pay no regard to the clamours of your opponents, but bend all your energies to undermining every political friend who is either above you, or impedes your progress. The general acclamations always wait on him who clears the ring. How many friendly official heads have flown off, since Mr. Van Buren aimed at the Presidency! He knows how such matters ought to be managed. But this is a digression.

"Now are our brows bound with victorious wreaths.”—Shakspeare. "Oh! blindness to the future!"-Pope.

By the beginning of 1827, everything announced the impending downfall of the Adams Administration. In vain had the President proposed magnificent schemes of internal improvement and national grandeur; in vain had he projected a splendid alliance with the sister republics of South America, then struggling for freedom. Cupidity could not be bribed, nor even the spirit of liberty flattered, to his purposes. He had no personal popularity; that talisman-whose power we have recently felt,-which renders the approach of despotism invisible, and extorts, from an infatuated people, triumphant acclamations at every blow which lops off a limb from the Constitution.

Had Mr. Adams acted on the principles which he professed to believe, viz:-radical democracy; had he waved the services of the statesmen who composed his Cabinet, (with the exception of Rush,) and called into his councils an inferior order of men "unknown to fame ;"--had he driven out all the public officers as plunderers and aristocrats, and filled their places with a fresh, more hungry, and more incompetent band of retainers,-he would have served out his eight years, and have been followed to his retirement by the blessings of his party. For it is the natural and inevitable consequence of universal suffrage, that, every few years, a new party rises up, more radically democratic than its predecessors, to push them from their places. The republican principles of the revolution are not the republican principles of the present day, and those who achieved that revolution are now considered, by some, "little better than tories." It has been the fashion of late years to laud Mr. Jefferson as the "father of democracy ;”—

but in less than twenty years from this time, I apprehend, he will be numbered with the ignorant and aristocratic statesmen of an age of political darkness. We see the operation of an extension of the right of suffrage in England ;—for no sooner had the "reform bill" passed, than William Cobbett walked into Parliament, a man whom "England had twice vomited out on the shores of America, and America had twice vomited back again." But it requires no spirit of prophecy to foretell, that if this wretch lives ten years longer, he may think himself fortunate if he does not lose his head as an aristocrat. And in this country, we have remarked, that President Jackson, beckoning for the popular applause, first expressed a gentle disapprobation of the present Bank of the U. States, but at the same time proposed another on different principles. In a short time after, driven beyond the bounds of rational opinion by the clamor of his partizans, he was forced to condemn all National Banks. The next step was, of necessity, the condemnation of all Banks, State and National, and all paper currency, and the substitution of gold and silver. And in all probability, he will finally be compelled to anathematize gold and silver, and reduce the country to the currency of the patriarchal age, when the husbandman exchanged his corn for the oil of his neighbour.

This tendency to radicalism is so certain and immutable, that a defeated party has only to assume more agrarian sentiments than its victors, to regain its power and brand them as aristocrats. I know I am digressing,—but I cannot refrain from suggesting these veracious and useful considerations to the young and aspiring politician. Let my youthful reader, intent on official preferment, be advised, that his success depends entirely on the absurdity of his opinions. General Washington could not now compete with Amos Kendall!

Where will this regular declension end? Whenever a popular President, mistaking the roar of a few hair-brained fanatics for the voice of the people, surrenders himself to the guidance of radical and mercenary counsellors, and by his acts endangers the security of property, then, (if the country has been prosperous,) they who have something to lose will out-number and out-vote those who have nothing. I place no great stress on the love of liberty: it is quite a feeble passion in our times, and is nearly

merged in a love of gain. We have borne more from Jackson than our fathers did from George the third! If Van Buren does not become alarmed at the growing discontent of the people, and retrace his steps, we may look forward with some hope, that, in 1836, the Constitution will be rescued from beneath the feet of those who are now trampling upon it. But if, (which Heaven forbid!) he succeeds on the principles now set up by his followers, then the dynasty will be continued in Amos Kendall ;-and Isaac Hill will be Minister to the Court of St. James,-no, I beg pardon, to the Lord Protector of England,-at present one of the "operatives" at Manchester.

Mr. Adams attempted to revive the principles of his father's Administration,-to go back to old times,-regardless of the political deterioration of the country. Of course, his doom was sealed. He never changed his politics notwithstanding his professions, and his administration was as federal as his father's. Yet he affected the plain republican, but erroneously supposed, with the "Statesman party," that republicanism consisted in denouncing "ruffled shirts" and decent apparel. The "labarum" of democracy, in their view, seems to have been the eel-skin cue, worn by the Cape-Cod-men, about the period of the Revolution. But times have altered-and the editor of the Statesman who for. merly waged a terrible war against ruffled shirts, now, since the "twine, blanks, &c." contract, sports as magnificent a ruffle and as fashionable a coat as any of his neighbours.

Mr. Adams, under this absurd impression, visited the paternal mansion in the summer of 1828, decorated with a jockey cap, a dimity short jacket, white overhauls and kid pumps. I never shall forget his appearance as he rode through the streets of Dedham, on horseback,-nor the mortification and scorn expressed in the countenances of his friends. Hostile as I was to him in political matters, I must say that I truly pitied both him and them.

There is an anecdote related of this "avatar" and the singular costume in which it was performed, that I believe to be authentic. Before arriving at one of the Taverns in Walpole, Mr. A. had mounted on horseback, and placed his groom in the carriage which followed in the rear. On drawing up before the portico, an ostler, in a clean frock, who had been expecting the arrival of