teaching us by example, but ere long we trust they will teach us by precept. Theirs is the great school of knowledge for men: political wisdom must increase amidst the free action of more than a score of separate administrations, and the free discussion of as many separate legislative bodies. There alone political science has free scope; the governments which are founded on actual compact, may be dissolved by the parties at their pleasure, and the agreement may be changed and amended as time and experience may dictate. There the cure of any social evil being discovered, the application is in their own hands. Age consecrates no abuse and protects no absurdity. Changes create no apprehension and bring no danger. All their institutions are subject to the public mind, and may be made better or worse as often as that mind directs.

If it be no injustice to the testator to suppose such reflections to have passed through his mind, we are furnished with a key to his bequest. He designed to increase that knowledge which has been developing in this country during the last sixty years, and to diffuse it among men. He designed, so far as lay in his power, to make us worthy, and then hold us up as an example to other nations. Could he be more explicit? He did not wish to declare in the solemn act of his last will, that his own government was unworthy of his bequest, or incapable of executing his designs. The words employed, convey to a British ear no reproach. The testator doubtless believed that in Great Britain the true intent of his legacy would not be conjectured, and that consequently no obstacle would be interposed to the free transmission of the funds to the possession of his great trustee. But could he have apprehended that we should lack acumen in this country to discover his intention? He purposely placed upon his trustee the responsibility of reading aright his pregnant language. He has said enough to give scope. for a liberal interpretation, aud yet no restriction appears to prevent that application of the fund which will go to promote the highest interests of men in this life. If his views had been directed to the promotion of Christianity, it cannot be supposed that he would have selected our government as his trustee, which has no religious power delegated to it, and cannot assume a missionary office. His object was not merely scientific nor literary, for the reasons heretofore given. His aim was political, and therefore the caution with which his views are expressed. It now remains to be

determined whether, as a nation, we are worthy of the confidence reposed in our intelligence and goodness; for if we cannot now divine the meaning of the simple but expressive words of this bequest, then unquestionably we are not yet fit to undertake the due execution of this will. If the national mind is too obtuse to comprehend the great design of the testator, then the national charity is insufficient to carry it into effect. Who can foresee, on the other hand, if we dedicate this fund to the great object of promoting the social well being of men, how far the philanthropists of the old world may be stimulated to give increased efficacy to the intended institution, by pouring additional means into the coffers of a trustee so enlightened and so faithful? The men of Europe and Asia whose hearts may be devoted to this great object, if the press is open to them, and if their voices are not paralyzed by fear of the powers that be, are so embarrassed by vested rights, by time-anchored observances and prejudices, laws and institutions, by the unprepared state of certain classes for any increase of political power, by the fear that all change may be for the worse, and by the dread of revolutions, that they find themselves constantly entangled in questions of expediency; seeing what is right when they look far ahead, but wholly unable to determine the perplexing questions which attend the first steps of their forward progress. In this country, we neither fear the truth, nor need we dread to follow its indications, or to make any change which promises a better condition. All we want is a knowledge of our deficiencies and the remedies applicable to them: it depends only on our patriotism and energy whether we make the application.

If the construction of this bequest now proposed should prevail, it remains to consider what would be a liberal and enlightened fulfilment of the testator's object. Having a due comprehension of his design, how can the trust be executed by an increase and diffusion of that knowledge among men which will best subserve their most pressing wants, and most promote their social welfare?

There is no institution in which the science of government is taught on a scale corresponding with its importance. Our nation is the home of political truth: no pos

* There are departments in many of the continental Universities in which the following subjects are taught to some extent. 1. The law of nations. 2. The constitutional law of the most famous nations. 3. The principles of

sible discovery in that department of knowledge could give alarm here to the most timid, or threaten the peace of society. Our institutions ask for all the light which can be thrown upon them, and are ready to undergo any change or modification which may promise an improved social condition. In this field, inquiry is restricted by no limits, and truth may carry into actual operation every plan for which she can secure the favour of the people.

The institution contemplated by the testator may here have as broad a basis as the utmost requisitions of political science and the highest social interests of man can require. Its professors should not be merely learned and eloquent men, not merely philosophers and statesmen, but such as fear God and love men: not fanatics seeking distinction, not drivellers seeking office, but having hearts more set upon doing good than upon their own distinction or advancement. Their object should be to give to their hearers, and through them, to the world, every lesson important to mankind, which may be deduced from the origin, history, and present state of our institutions, or from the past or present condition of our people. They should furnish a careful and impartial estimate of the progress of our great experiment in self-government, and mark specially the mutual influence of the people upon the institutions, and of the institutions upon the people. They should ascertain by all the evidence within their reach, whether our success, thus far, is owing to the excellence of our government and laws, or to the character of the people. They should, in fact, omit no topic suggested by our form of government, our legislation, our position and our hopes, and handle every subject with the double view of advancing our best interests at home, and of giving useful information to all who may seek it abroad.

Every fragment of ancient legislation and of that of the middle ages, and every exposition of administrative wisdom and skill could be put in requisition to correct and ripen the

the Roman and German law. 4. Police administration. 5. Political Economy. 6. Universal History. 7. History of public treaties. 8. Diplomacy. 9. Statistics. In many of the German states, every candidate for public office has not only to pass through this course of studies, but also through a preparatory course in various departments of government for several years; and after two, and in some cases three examinations, he becomes eligible as an officer of state. This is very well, as far as it goes; but the door of political truth is n ot wide open in Germany, and the student is kept within limits of investigation prescribed by power and expediency and not by truth.

knowledge of modern times. The whole legislation of the existing European nations could be displayed and studied with advantages similar to those of comparative anatomy. We are not justified, because we enjoy many peculiar privileges, in supposing that all the wisdom in legislation and in administration belongs to us. Our advantage lies not so much in the mere excellence of our laws and institutions as in this, that we have a facility in selecting what may suit us, and in adopting it at pleasure. There is no power to prevent any change deemed for the better, and no prejudice or apprehension to interpose obstacles to any desired alterations. All the storehouse of European wisdom and experience may be ransacked for lessons in political science. It would be presumption which facts do not justify, to assume that we can learn nothing from the modern nations of Europe. The truth is, we have much to learn from that quarter, and they have much to learn from us, which it was doubtless the intention of the testator to communicate by means of his intended institute. We have more than a score of legislative bodies annually at work, of whom it may with truth be said, that their proceedings are original, and untainted by any knowledge of the legislation of continental Europe, or any legislation but their own. Our legislators have hitherto had little time to inquire, and slender means of knowing what has been done elsewhere. Their minds have acted freely and fearlessly; many valuable. truths have been elicited, and many excellent laws enacted; but much more might have been accomplished, if, upon minds thus prepared, the light of knowledge and experience had been poured from all the rest of the world.

The grand experiment of the fitness of men for wise selfgovernment is making in this country. The great school of political science should also be here, that their influences and operations may be mutually effective. Let all knowledge come to the ordeal of experiment, and be subjected to the judgment of men who, while they mould the form of their own laws and constitutions, obey all their requirements and submit to all their pressure.

We shall venture at the close of our remarks to submit an outline of an institution, which as we believe will best fulfil the intentions of the founder of the Smithsonian Institute. If we have been so fortunate as to secure favour for the views above advanced, the plan of carrying them out will be offered with none the less deference. We hope the

general idea may attract all the attention it deserves, and that finding favor, it may secure for the plan of its operation the best wisdom of the nation, and for its continued accomplishment in this age and hereafter the most virtuous and gifted minds which can be brought into the service of the highest temporal interest of man. Before submitting this outline, however, it may not be without advantage to consider how far the proposed establishment may be needful in the present condition of our institutions and of our people, without reference to the immediate views of the testator. It becomes us to examine whether we may not be in special need of that knowledge which we are expected to impart to others; to ascertain whether a survey of the great features of our civil history, and due deliberation upon the present conjuncture, may not furnish clear evidences of our own deficiencies, and thus indicate plainly the nature of the schooling we need, who may be expected to teach the rest of the world by example and by precept. The time has come certainly when every obligation of patriotism. requires us carefully to gather all the fragments of our experience, and all the lessons of wisdom which are strewed on the path by which we have reached our present position. Whatever may be the merit of our political institutions, or the wisdom of our past legislation, or the skill of our civil administration, it is very apparent that an exemption from the evils of party spirit is not among the blessings we enjoy. No country, unfortunately, has ever afforded such scope for party strifes, and in none has the demon of selfishness which sways the sceptre of party, ever committed more widespread mischief. Every voice of wisdom, of skill, of warning and of knowledge is drowned in the noise of party warfare. Bodily activity, intellectual force, and moral purity, are all absorbed in the great game of party. Patriotism is mocked standing aloof from these contests induces the hatred of both parties, and any attempt to serve the country, not made under the banners of a party is derided as simple, Quixotical, and is known to be utterly in vain.

If the exemplification were not before our eyes, the time and exertions bestowed on party enterprizes would be incredible: but the sacrifice of talents and mind, and the utter prostration of morals which ensue, are beyond estimation. The intense excitement observed, is the excitement of the gambler, which destroys or perverts all powers of mind, absorbs all good affections and roots up every moral principle.