God, as a Free Church, to occupy a position in this land and in the earth, entirely different from and opposed to the position which they had previously occupied. He was sure that those brethren who lived before the Disruption must feel with him how entirely they were then led in a way they looked not for. They found themselves separating themselves from the State, and forming a Church which has ever since so wonderfully succeeded in maintaining itself and spreading the gospel at home and abroad by the Christian liberality of the people. Moreover, before the Disruptionwhen they were in the heat of the Voluntary controversy, in which he (Mr Nixon) for one took a very earnest though a humble part, while he, and such as he, had nothing to say against these Christian men themselves -though they spoke strongly against their supposed system, which was now exploded-it was often avowed as a matter of strong conviction that, if they and their opponents could but come into close brotherly conference, in all probability they could come a great deal nearer together on many, if not most, essential points. (Applause.) That was what he had said from the first; and when this proposal for union was made, he (Mr Nixon) said that it was what he had looked for, for nearly a life time, and his confident expectation was, that they would be found to agree on a great many topics anent which they had such controversies. And what had happened? Surely it was admitted that they had come a great deal nearer to their brethren than many had ever expected them to come. (Applause.) It was never our wish to ignore their place and services in the land. We never held that religion depended absolutely on State aid. We never wished one section of the Church to be supported at the expense of the self-supporting sections of it. We repudiate the indiscriminate endowing of all religionists, true and false. We do not approve of endowments when they reproach those who ought to be united. We do not imagine that the endowments will be offered on any conditions indispensable to their acceptance. We have more dependence on Christian liberality than at one time we had. We do not think there is the same need for them as in the time of Knox. We are prepared to join with them in practically looking to Christian liberality for maintaining the regular parts of the Church. (Applause.) And our brethren have in their sentiments also approached nearer to us. They have so far admitted that government aid may in certain circumstances be taken to provide and uphold religious instruction in mission schools abroad, and common schools at home, and through the ministry that is found in the army and at military stations, &c. The question now came to be, and it was here he set himself against the doctrines laid down by Sir H. Moncreiff and others on the other side-Had the Free Church exhausted its conferences with its brethren on the question of their agreements ?-had they at last arrived at the utmost limit at which they could expect to arrive in these matters? He was prepared to say they had not. In the first place, it was only within a few hours of the last meeting the committee held that the United Presbyterian brethren presented their distinctive article in its present form. In the forenoon of the Tuesday on which they last met about union, there was a statement to the effect that it was incompetent to the magistrate to give legislative sanction to a creed, which would have been a bar to union; while in the evening of the same day this was so entirely limited-so utterly contracted and limited in its meaning-by the addition of the phrase, "in the way of a civil establishment of religion,"

that, as regards that point, the change made the statement, in his mind, a bar to union no longer. This was a proof that down to the last moment we were uncertain as to the amount of agreement; but beyond that there were other things in which we have yet some questions to solve. There was education, for instance. No doubt it was called the sixth head of the programme, but the article had been practically viewed as part of the first head of the programme. They had never had any discussion on that subject, which was an essential and important part of the duty of the civil magistrate to religion and the Church. No doubt, in answer to certain questions—with regard, for instance, to grants from Government to our mission schools abroad-it was held that it would be allowed in the United Church, provided they were open for secular teaching alone to those who wanted secular instruction alone. He took it upon him to say that it was impossible to view that part of the question as settled. If that condition was the only condition on which they were to have mission schools, their doom was sealed. (Hear, and applause.) If the missionaries were to open their schools for the heathen who wanted secular instruction alone, he believed the doom of those schools was sealed, and they might bid farewell to them. He believed the heathen would very soon knock the whole of them on the head. (A laugh, and " Hear, hear.") Were they to be as free as a United Church as they now are to Christ's work? (Applause.) This was the question. Or were they, on the other hand, to have themselves instead, by this union, cramped and fettered? (Hear, hear.) He expected that if they became, on proper conditions, and in a proper spirit, a United Church, they would have a power for good in the earth such as was never known before, but, in order to get to that state, they must take care that their hands were left free to do the work of the Saviour, and not have their hands and feet manacled. He was bound to say that some of the members of our own committee had tried hard to prevent them asking these questions. (Hear, hear, and applause.) They said it would be a matter of indelicacy to do so, for it was pressing them too hard, and all that sort of thing. He did not want to press them too hard, but to get at the bottom of the whole truth. Let them press us hard, and take out of us everything that is in us. (Laughter.) Suppose, though he denied it, that they had reached the extreme limits of their conferences, they had taken four years to that, and had not yet been satisfied even in that time, for some members of of committee were still dissatisfied-could they ask the members of this Assembly to make up their minds upon such a solemn and important matter in eight hours? (Hear, hear.) He said this was undue haste, and he hoped the brethren would resist it to the uttermost. He knew nothing so likely to raise a bar in the way as this hurry and hard driving in the matter. (Applause.) If, what he did not believe, there were any of the members of the union committee who did not intend to be satisfied, he had no sympathy with them, but he was anxious to see his way to such a final settlement of the question of forbearance as would render it harmless in a United Church, and not be a cause of stumbling and a rock of offence. If they were to be the last words he should utter, he would say that, after long labouring in his own mind to fall on a satisfactory adjustment of the point, he did not yet see how it was to be settled; but his conviction as to its settlement was that--after all the conferences, and after coming to an understanding as to the other parts

of the magistrate's relation to religion and the Church, his duty to give help to the pastors of the churches, being a question with which in practice they were to have nothing to do, they would adjourn by mutual consent the consideration of it sine die. He believed that would be the proper basis of union, or that some such basis would be agreed upon at last. He did not know at this moment what was meant by forbearance. Were they to be allowed the same liberty in opinion and practice as their brethren? While saying what he had said, he was as anxious as any member of this House that they should present themselves to their United Presbyterian brethren in the attitude of men who were going hopefully and forward in the work, in the expectation that the work in which they were engaged might come to a termination such as he was sure they all desired. Were they, however, proceeding to this union now on as sufficient grounds as they had for doing their duty at the time of the Disruption? ("Hear, hear," and applause.) He did not believe it. (Applause and hisses.) If that was the case, he should like to arrive at it, and see those cheerful countenances, and know of those joyous hearts which made the ministers come out at the Disruption as if going on their wedding tour. (Laughter and applause.) He concluded by moving as follows:-"The General Assembly approve of the report, and express their satisfaction with the increased and large measure of agreement under the first head of the programme, as well as the amount of harmony under the second head. The General Assembly, continuing to be deeply impressed with the duty and importance of aiming at union of all the disestablished Churches in Scotland, re-appoint the former committee with the former instructions; they direct their committee to use all diligence in prosecuting conferences on all the subjects, with a view to a final report, which shall contain the conclusions arrived at, with the grounds on which they rest, so that the General Assembly may be in circumstances to submit the whole question in a satisfactory form to the Church at large."

Mr H. B. FERGUSON, (elder,) Dundee, said, that although Mr Nixon, in the outset of his speech, he regretted to say, was going far away from the proposition contained in his motion, yet as he drew towards the end he pretty nearly came right again—(a laugh)—for his proposal that this question as to the distinctive articles of agreement should be adjourned sine die, was not a bad translation for this-that it should be made an open question. In common with the rev. baronet, he did admire the eloquence of their friend Dr Begg, but, in common with the rev. baronet, he was not just quite carried away by him. (A laugh.) Certainly the most eloquent part of the rev. doctor's speech was very much away from the real point now before the House. (Hear, hear.) The rev. doctor, in his eloquent peroration, spoke of the rapture of the time when the kingdoms shall become the kingdoms of our Lord; but surely he forgot that their brethren in the United Presbyterian Church partook of that rapture as well as they; and when he spoke of the delight with which the Free Church anticipated the time when the divine pledge for the coming of the Lord would be fulfilled, did he forget that they of the United Presterian Church were also partakers of that pledge, and that they, no less than the Free Church, looked forward to the time of the coming of the Lord Jesus? Dr Begg had vindicated the principle of the Establishment as if it was necessary to convince this Assembly that the Establish

ment principle was an excellent thing. This was the very last place in the world where people needed to be satisfied about that. (Hear, hear.) In his speech, Dr Begg had given it to be understood that they were to proselytise their United Presbyterian brethren on the question of Church Establishments. But the decision of their last Synod stated their express ultimatum on the subject. Suppose they came back to them and said that they must be at one in regard to the Establishment principle, he thought they could rely upon their answer being, "We are very much obliged to you, only it is a pity you did not tell us that four years ago." (Hear, hear.) With regard to Dr Begg's motion, Mr Nixon had very justly observed that it was supposed to contain a great deal more than it really did. Why, what other inference could anybody draw after hearing their friend's speech? There was nothing in the motion about their setting up themselves to proselytise their United Presbyterian brethren. No; but in that motion there was first the immature state of the question, of course; then there was the unprecedented circumstance that only one-third of the ministers of the Church were entitled to be present in this Assembly-(a laugh)-and further, the people had never been consulted on the matter at all. No doubt, the negotiations were in an immature state, and accordingly, the motion tabled by Dr Candlish, and proposed by Dr Rainy, declared that, if they were to adopt the view that there was no bar to union in the first head of the programme, they were to go back to the union committee with instructions to give their earnest attention to the other eleven heads of the programme. In regard to the statement that there was only one-third of the ministry present, he had to say they had been negotiating four years, and although the precise point under discussion had not been before the House, the same question of the civil magistrate had been discussed from time to time, and during these four years all the ministers should have had the opportunity of coming forward, and stating whether they were bound to maintain the principle of civil establishments of religion, and refuse to go into union only if this principle was to be out and out recognised by the United Church. He could not exactly state the terms of the motion proposed by Mr Brodie last year, but it had reference to this question, and was probably a pretty strong motion; and on that occasion, twelve months ago, the party who voted with Mr Brodie was a very small minority. Indeed, he believed that those who voted in favour of that motion were tellers together, if, indeed, the minority could furnish a sufficient number of tellers. (Laughter.) Reference had been made, in the most eloquent passage of Dr Begg's speech, to the fact that the people had never been consulted in this matter. But how could they be consulted when this question was in its immature state? But they would be consulted when it was in a mature state. The General Assembly itself had not yet given their own opinion upon a single point. But he could tell the House that the people had been taking a very great interest in this question of union; and if it was referred to the people, he would just venture to say, that if they called a meeting of them, and if any gentleman proposed in that meeting any motion similar to the one now before the House, he would find himself in a smaller minority than that most respectable minority which their eloquent friend was destined to lead to defeat. (Applause and laughter.) He would just say, further, that he hoped that the House would say, with regard to the other heads of the programme,

that the ghost of a question of controversy long since passed away should not be permitted to raise itself in this Assembly to forbid the banns. (Loud applause.)

Dr DUNCAN expressed the opinion that they had not got sufficient time to take this whole subject under consideration; and for himself he was not prepared to give either a positive or negative answer what their judgment ought to be.

Dr GIBSON rose to move that the debate be adjourned, and that they be allowed to resume the discussion to-morrow forenoon. ("No, no,” and "Vote, vote.")

Dr RAINY said it might be a question yet whether there might not be an adjournment if it should be seen to be necessary; but with the time the Assembly has at its disposal it would never do to adjourn at eleven o'clock. (Hear, hear.)

Mr JAMES BALFOUR, (elder)—I think it would be desirable that the House should come to some understanding on the question that has been raised as to whether there is to be an adjournment to-night at any time, or whether we are to go to a vote to-night. I think we should come to a vote to-night-(applause) and I am sure that nothing anybody can say now will add anything to the argument. (Laughter.)

Sir HENRY MONCREIFF said they might adjourn now if they chose, but he protested against their agreeing to adjourn at any particular hour. Mr BALFOUR, Holyrood, called the attention of the House to an overture sent up on the union question by the Presbytery of Edinburgh, and characterised the conduct of certain of the members of that Presbytery as grossly inconsistent, in having altogether ignored that overture, and having proposed a motion to the effect that there is no bar to union in regard to the doctrine of the civil magistrate. He read an extract from Dr Cunningham's "Historical Theology" on the subject of Voluntaryism. Mr FRASER, Inverness, said, in expressing himself on this subject, he felt a very great struggle between the sympathy within him and the working of his reason. He was not accustomed to act in many things with his respected friend and father Dr Begg; and if any party were formed on that side, he knew nothing about it as a party. It would be to him the greatest relief and comfort if he could agree to the motion proposed on the other side. Whatever might be said of leading a host to defeat, it was a very grave matter for the Free Church to see such a division of opinion and sentiment as had been manifested there that night; and no man who wishes well to the Free Church would speak of the matter as merely one of victory or defeat. (Hear.) It is a principle that is for the welfare of communities that the voice of the majority should be considered the voice of the whole, and it is certain that minorities may be perversely obstructive; but surely there is a marked difference between a question relating to the ordinary management of a body like that Church, and a question relating to the constitution of the body altogether-(hear, hear) and it was out of the question, and he assumed that no one was so infatuated and impatient as to propose, by mere force of numbers, to coerce the brethren into joining an institution not existing or dreamt of when they became office-bearers of the Free Church. He could not say he agreed with all that had been said about the difficulty of settling this question by the Assembly. If it were a matter of doctrine, he denied that they were bound to get the opinion of the courts below; but he