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Message from the Prince Regent-Debates on it-Committees of Secrecy appointed-Debates in the House of Commons on the Appointment of a Select Committee of Finance-Report from the Secret Committee of the House of Commons-Committee appointed to inquire into the Poor Laws -Debates in both Houses on the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, &c.-Petitions respecting the Poor Laws-Mr. Brougham's Motion on the Commerce of the Country-Lord Holland's on the Treatment of Bonaparte-Mr. Littleton's against Lotteries-First Report of the Committee of Finance-Adjournment.

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tions, in the metropolis, and in different parts of the kingdom, evideatly calculated to endanger the public tranquillity, to alienate the affections of his majesty's subjects from his majesty's person and government, and to bring into hatred and contempt the whole system of our laws and constitution. His royal highness recommends to the house of commons to take these papers into their immediate serious consideration. George P. R."

House of lords, Feb.4.- Viscount Sidmouth, in moving that the prince regent's message be taken

into consideration, said, that their lordships might believe that it was not without the most painful feelings that his royal highness found himself under the necessity of making such a communication. It was, indeed, a most afflicting circumstance both to that illustrious personage and to his advisers, to feel themselves called upon, by their sense of duty to the country and the constitution, to inform their lordships' house that there did exist meetings and combinations in different parts of the country, for the purpose of endeavouring to alienate from his majesty the affections of his subjects, to bring his person and government into hatred and contempt, to endanger the liberty of the subject, and to overthrow the whole scheme and system of our laws and constitution: and their lordships might easily believe that such a communication would not have been made without the strongest conviction of its urgent ́and indispensable necessity. Their lordships would, he had no doubt, concur in the address which he should have the honour to propose in answer to the message, as it would pledge their lordships to nothing except to an examination of the evidence; for, as to the ulterior proceedings, he not only did not call on their lordships to give any pledge, but he would not choose to be himself considered as pledged. When this motion should be disposed of, he should propose that the papers communicated by his royal highness be referred to a commitee of secrecy. After having said this, he need not state that he did not purpose at present to enter into particulars. He would refrain from all reference to any ulterior proceedings, and recommend that nothing should be said or done un

til the report of the committee should be laid before the house All that he had to request in the mean time was, that their lordships would abstain from making up their minds until the whole subject should be investigated. There was only one other point to which he felt it his duty to call the attention of their lordships, as it was material that it should be noticed. The atrocious outrage lately committed against the prince regent was certainly regarded with the utmost horror and reprobation by an overwhelming majority of the nation; and he felt it his duty to state, that the present communication was not at all connected with that outrage. Though that atrocious, that horrid outrage against the royal dignity had not been committed, his royal highness's advisers, with the information in their possession, would have still felt it their indispensable duty to have brought forward this proceeding, originating in a message from the prince regent, to be followed up by a reference of the papers to a committee of secrecy.

Earl Grosvenor said, that the papers must go to a committee; but he was convinced that meetings and combinations, if they did exist, were mainly provoked by the conduct of the ministers, who had set their faces against œconomy and

retrenchment.

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the speech or message against the general body of the nation. A vast majority was, no doubt, sincerely attached to the laws and constitution; but many even of the welldisposed, but misinformed, might be misled by the artful and design ing, and more particularly in a season of general and severe presssure. Earl Grey and the marquis of Buckingham spoke to the same effect as lord Holland.

An address to the prince regent was agreed to; and the papers on the table ordered to be referred to a committee of secrecy, consisting of eleven lords, to be then chosen by ballot.

In the commons, lord Castlereagh, in calling the attention of the house to the prince regent's message, said, that the proposition he should submit could not be pro-, ductive of any discussion. It had no other tendency than merely to call upon the house to acknowledge the gracious communication it has received, and of its intention to pro ceed to the examination of the documents that his royal highness had ordered to be laid before it. All he had to request was, that parliament would preserve a mind free and unbiassed, until it shall have received the report of that committee to which it was intended, under the confidence of the house, to refer the examination of the documents. There was, however, one point on which he was solicitous fully to explain. A rumour had been propagated that the present message had grown out of the late tumultuous outrage in the metropolis-an outrage on which there existed but one sentiment on every side of the house. -When the house was in possession of the proper information, it would feel, he had no doubt, satisfied, that had that disgraceful

scene of turbulence and depredation never existed, his majesty's government could not have avoided to advise the present message, without an abandonment of those high duties that they owed the house and the country.

An address of thanks to the prince regent was voted; and lord Castlereagh having stated that the precedent of 1794 would be strictly followed, it was agreed that the papers should be referred to a committee of secrecy, and that the committee should consist of twenty-one members, to be chosen by ballot.

Feb. 5. The names of the members returned as the committee of secrecy were read as follows:-Lord Milton, Mr. Ponsonby, Mr. William Elliott, lord Castlereagh, lord Lascelles, Mr. C. Bathurst, honcurable Mr. Lamb, sir Arthur Piggott, Mr. F. Robinson, sir John Nicholl, the attorney-general, the solicitor general, Mr. Geo. Canning, Mr. Charles York, Mr. Wilbraham Egerton, Mr. Wilberforce, Mr. Bootle Wilbraham, Mr. W. Dundas, Mr. Rose, sir W. Curtis, admiral Frank.

In a committee of supply the following sums were granted : 11,000,0002. to pay exchequer bills issued in 1816; and 13,000,0007. for the same purpose; 1,436,0007. in Irish currency, for exchequer bills issued in 1816 in Ireland; and 4,080,0001. for the same purpose.

Feb. 7. A sum of 24,000,0007. was voted for the payment of outstanding exchequer bills.

Mr. Calvert presented a petition of the corporation of London, praying for a reform in parliament.

On the motion of lord Castlereagh, the house went into a committee on that part of the regent's speech which related to the finances of the country. The labours of the committee, he was convinced, would

be

dinaries of the army last year were 10.561,000-for the present they would amount to 9,230,000. The ordnance for last year was 1,696,000%; it would now be 1,246,000l. These reductions would make a total saving of 1,784,000%. The house would be aware that in this expense were included the halfpay, pensions, &c. so that the real prospective vote for the army was under 4,000,0001. excluding the half-pay, &c. to which the faith of parliament is pledged. The noble lord then adverted to the navy charge last session; the number of seamen voted was 33,000, looking to a reduction of 10,000. Since then the pressure of the times had induced a further reduction, and instead of 23,000, the establishment would be 18,000, or taking it roundly at 19,000, because the royal marines would not be diminished. The charge for this branch last year was 10,114,000l. now it would amount to 6,397,0007. The noble lord having recapitulated the items,observed, that the total charge was 18,372,0007. to be provided

be directed to the same object
which his majesty's government
had in view, a system of practical
œconomy, commensurate with the
interests, and at the same time with
the security, of the country. The
estimates intended to be submitted
for approbation would include the
army in France and India; the
former of which was supported by
the contributions of that power, and
the latter by the government in
India. The amount voted last year
was 99,000 men; that is, for the
united empire 53,000, for colonial
purposes and abroad 46,000. The
estimates for the present year would
proceed upon a reduction in point
of numbers and expenses; in the
home service the diminution would
be 5,000; in the colonial, a dimi-
nution of 13,000, making an actual
reduction of 18,000; thus leaving
the army at 81,000 instead of
90,000 men. The reduction had
been made under a strong sense of
the pressure of the moment, and
from a conviction that the military
defence might be dispensed with,
and the protection of the colonies
intrusted to the police. With re- for.
spect to home defence, the house,
perhaps, would not think any price
too high which should secure its
safety, particularly at a moment
when the civil magistrates could
not administer the laws without the
aid of the military. The total
amount of the force voted last year,
with reference to the contingent
alliance, was 150,000. This year
he should only call for 123,000, or
81,000 for home and abroad, rank
and file. The charge of the army,
at present, was 6,538,000; for
disembodied militia 220,000/.; and
for regiments abroad 220,000l.;
making a total of 7,050,000. The
commissariat department would
amount to 500,000%. The extraor-

He

In framing the estimates, government had in veiw, as far as consistent with our safety, to bring the expenditure of the country within the scale of its means in the course of the present year. trusted the house would feel it no discouraging prospect, that, after so tremendous a struggle in war, ministers should have been able, in the first year of peace, to remit eighteen millions of direct taxation; and so soon after, to make still further reductions to the amount he had already stated. He trusted the house would see that these estimates were cast in the scale of economy and retrenchment. Still it could not be concealed that this was a year of peculiar pressure; and that

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there was no individual in the country, however high or low, but who must feel the hand of Providence upon his means. This distress was general through Europe; and perhaps it had been less felt here than on the continent. Still the distress of the people had been very great, but the hand of benevolence had kept pace with it. He could assure the house that in no place had more anxiety been shown to relieve those distresses than in the highest quarter of all. The regent had come to a determination not to accept more of the civil list than his confidential servants would advise him to take for the dignity of the crown. For that reason he was to give up one-fifth of the civil list, which would amount to 50,000. a year. His highness would have given more; but his ministers could not advise him, without endangering the dignity of the crown, and embarrassing the civil list.

It was

also the intention of the regent's public servants to give up a sum of 90,0001. from the government, army, and navy, &c. It was but a small sum in proportion to the distress of the country, but he trusted the people would receive it, as it was meant, in the pure spirit of economy and retrenchment. He proposed that a select committee be appointed to inquire into the financial state of the country, and that a committee should be formed by ballot for that purpose. He trusted both sides of the house would consider the question as for the public good, and not as a means of triumphing over one another. He then moved for a select committee to consider the receipt and expenditure for 1817,-18, and -19; and to report from time to time what reductions might be made in the expenditure.

Mr. Tierney was glad that ministers at last saw, what every body else had long seen, that the expenses of the country should be reduced to some reasonable proportion with its means. From the best estimate which he could make, he had no reason to believe that his results differed from those of the noble lord; there would be, under all circumstances, a sum of three millions to be made good. He was glad to hear that the sinking fund was to be spared. Nothing but evident and absolute danger, nothing but the prospect of peril threatening the very existence of the state, could induce him to consent to have recourse to that sacred fund.

The example in the highest quarter had certainly come late, but it was well that it had come. His royal highness had doubtless long felt for the public sufferings, and ministers should have sooner advised this honourable step. They must the more regret this delay, because the earlier adoption of the measure would have very much allayed the discontent which had so turbulently prevailed. He also thought it wonderful, that the reductions in the salaries of public officers had not been sooner adopted. They merited no praise for it, for it had been clearly extorted from them. And this proved that if the real majority of the nation was firm and unanimous, the house would comply with its wishes; which was perhaps the best answer to those pretended reformers who talked of a pure representation.— As for the proposed committee, the country must not be mocked with one which was to investigate every thing and do nothing; they must do something real; the people would not be content with the mere show of a remedy; the committee

should

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