the debt, and increasing the na tional difficulties? He hoped not. If ministers were to resort to borrowing, or to the issuing of exche. quer bills, it could not be said that no new burdens were imposed upon the country; for the issuing of exchequer bills must ultimately operate as a burden on the nation, and was only adding to the amount of our debt, without making provision for the payment of either the interest or the principal. Now, however, their lordships were told, that mis nisters were disposed to make reductions; but it would be the duty of that house to insist upon a reduction and retrenchment very different from that which appeared to be promised in the speech. They must have a severe, rigid, unsparing economy; not such a plan of reduction and economy as appeared to be intimated by the vague and general words-sound policy; but calculated upon a view of the unparalleled distress of the country, and a consideration of what necessity would permit. They must consider, not what government would think it sound policy to have, but what the country could afford to pay; and if they could not raise their means to their establishment, they must reduce their establishment to their means. The strictest œconomy must be introduced, even in those particulars where, in ordinary circumstances, a liberal expenditure would not be improper; and the splen lour of the crown must now be found, not in the gaudy trappings of the court, but in a just regard to the distressed situation of the country. However painful it may be, the claims even of meritorious services cannot now be listened to with that attention which in ordinary circumstances they ought always to command. The question

now must be, not what ought to be done, but what could be done. He was far from wishing to encourage the delusions which had been indus triously spread among the people, that any reduction in that course of expenditure would afford any sensible alleviation of the burdens un der which the country so severely suffered; but he did say, that government was bound to show the people of this country that the expenditure was reduced to the lowest possible terms, and that no sacrifice was required of them, and that no source of expenditure was continued, except what was demanded by the most imperious necessity.-There was another topic introduced in the speeches of the noble lords, which he could not think of without the most painful sensations-he alluded to their observations on the at tempts said to have been made to inflame the passions of the popu lace, and to excite them to acts of riot and sedition, with reference to the unfortunate occurrence to which their lordships' attention had last night been particularly directed. No one could feel more strongly than he did the atrocity of the outrage which their lordships had mentioned-an outrage which justly called for the severe censure of their lordships, and which ought to be visited with all the powers of the law, both for punishment and prevention. But, however just and proper it was to expose that outrage to the censure of their lordships, he saw no strong grounds, from the statement of last night, for suspecting that there was any criminal design against his royal highness's life. There could be no wish, in any quarter, to encourage the belief, either at home or abroad, that such an execrable purpose could have existed in the mind of a single

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a single individual in the country. He rejoiced to find, that if there had been attempts on the part of any description of persons to inflame their discontents into disaffection, such attempts had failed, and all their efforts had been without success. There was, therefore, nothing that called for any extraordinary means in this respect; nothing that required the exercise of any powers beyond the usual administration of justice. He could not, therefore, but deprecate any attempt to involve in one common censure those who honestly sought a reform in the legislature, even on principles which might be regarded as impracticable with persons disaffected to the constitution. Certainly no one had ever been more personally objectionable to those reformers than he had been; but though they might continue to stigmatize him as a person who had forfeited their confidence, and whose moderation was hateful to them, still, though he thought their views, to the extent to which they were carried, would, if attempted in practice, lead to the most ruinous consequences, he would not follow their example, and pronounce a condemnation on their intentions. He hoped he should not hear it stated, that reform and retrenchment were subjects which the great body of the people ought not to discuss. After all the privations which the people of England had with such unparalleled fortitude borne, he trusted they were not now to be deprived of their constitutional rights. The liberty they enjoyed was their best consolation under all the difficulties they had to encounter; but if they should find parliament more eager to impose restraints on their free dom than to relieve their wants, then, indeed, he believed their dis

contents would rapidly and alarni ingly increase. On all these grounds he could not refrain from opposing the address. It did not afford a just view of the country; it did not hold out that strong pledge of retrenchment and economy which the present state of the country required, and which alone could satisfy the public mind. The noble earl then concluded, by moving an amendment to the address, which embraced all the principal topics of the speech.

The earl of Harrowby ably and strenuously argued against the adoption of the noble lord's amend

Were there no other objec tion than their want of adequate information as to many of the points which it embraced, it would be suf ficient ground for its rejection. He differed widely from the noble earl as to his comparative view of the actual distresses of the country. With respect to the close of the American war, every one who remembered that period must know it was impossible to go beyond the deep despondency that then prevailed. Of this it would be sufficient to say, that of an increased debt which required an interest of 4,800,000l. the whole increase of the revenue applicable to that purpose did not exceed 1,700,0001." A comparative view of the commercial circumstances of the country at these different periods, he argued, was greatly in favour of the present. Again, with respect to the public debt at those periods, in the former it accumulated with a rapidity before unknown, and there was no thought of laying up a portion of our resources for its gradual diminution. Nothing could be more unjustifiable than to say that inor, dinate taxation is the cause of all our present difficulties; at the same

time these various sources of national prosperity are still unimpaired, a great diminution of taxes had already taken place, and in future there would be grounds for still further reduction. The policy of the paper issues, instead of deteriorating the country, had enabled her successfully to persevere in the late arduous and eventful contest; and it was one of the means of her present powerful and imposing attitude. The good which that system produces incalculably outbalances its partial and temporary evils. It has realised the most beneficial results, especially with reference to our commercial prosperity; and all the unfavourable predictions which were so freely advanced of it have, in the event, proved totally unfounded, as well as (thanks to Providence and the spirit of the country) other predictions which were hazarded in 1791 and 1792. He also differed from the noble earl with respect to the continental policy of his majesty's government, and he denied that the European powers were in the least aliena ted from or unfavourably inclined towards this country; as, among other points, their placing by common consent a British chieftain at the head of their combined armies went a great way to prove. Respect ing the noble earl's remark touching the latter part of the speech, he felt it his duty to say a few words :-As to the circumstance of the outrage in question, they were all called upon to speak in terms of horror and detestation on this, he trusted, they all felt in common; but his real belief was, that the attack upon the person of the prince regent was aimed at his life, and which they concluded, from the intelligence received yesterday, and from the impression it made upon their minds,

There was no doubt of an intentional attack upon the life of the king; and he had no doubt of that of yesterday being aimed at the life of the prince. There had been numerous publications tending to excite the populace to acts of sedition and violence; not only against their own government, but against almost every other system of regular government: dangerous doctrines were broached in different quarters, and the people seemed to be told that much was to be expected by the removal of a person acting contrary to their interests. He had to trust, therefore, that the consideration of that part of the subject would be properly taken up, and such steps taken as the case required; especially when such important considerations were involved; as he was satisfied that, however they may differ in opinion as to many of the great transactions of the times, or respecting this or that measure, they would all agree, when they looked at the manifold and inestimable blessings of the British constitution, in sincerely pane. gyrizing its merits.

Earl Grosvenor said that the only conclusion he could draw from the noble lord's statements was thisthat though the country was in a bad state at the close of the American war, it was now in a much worse. So far was our income from exceeding our expenditure now, that it fell greatly short of it; and the deficiency threatened the most serious consequences to the country. But, notwithstanding the general distress, he derived a far more melancholy view from the conviction that ministers were determined to resist every reasonable suggestion of economy and reform. This convicti on gave him far greater alarm than the situation of public affairs, B 3

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gloomy as that was. If the present objects of ministers were pursued, and their present principles main tained, their system must terminate in a military despotism. He could foresee no other result.

The earl of Aberdeen observed, that the noble earl who moved the amendment had, in the course of his speech, condemned the late treaty of peace concluded at Paris. That treaty he would however assert, and was prepared to prove, was the best that could be adopted, either with respect to our own security, or to that system of liberal policy which it was our duty to maintain towards a conquered people. With regard to the economy so much insisted on, he was fully convinced that every practicable reduction would be made by his majesty's ministers. He had no doubt that they would reduce the expense of every department to as low a state as was consistent with the existing situation of the country, or, he might say, with sound policy, though the noble earl had expressed his dislike to that term.

Lord St. John supported the amendment.

Earl Bathurst defended the conduct of his majesty's ministers. What they had stated last year was, that they had then made reductions in the establishments as low as the circumstances of that year would allow; but they were, then far from saying, that these were the only reductions that could be made, or that future years would admit of. He would appeal to their lordships if this had not been their uniform language; and whether they had not absolutely denied that these were to be the utmost limit to the reductions of the peace establishments. Whether the reductions were made to the utmost

extent that they could possibly admit of, would now be a fair subject for the consideration of parliament. He would not say that the military establishments could not be actually reduced lower than was now proposed; but, at least, in the opinion of

ministers, they were as low as the actual safety of the country would admit. He would readily allow, that there was nothing in the present address which bound their lordships to approve of the objects of the war with Nepaul. Near the close of the last session the house had been told, that that war was closed; but in consequence of the refusal of the chief to sign the treaty which had then been concluded, a renewal of it became necessary on our part, and the praise contained in the speech was solely intended for the ability and valour with which it had been conducted, and brought to a successful termination; and as to the language in which the praise was conveyed, being nearly the same as that applied to the conduct of a noble personage now present, on account of the conclusion of the Mysore war, he did not think that noble person would think his conduct disparaged by the comparison, The noble lord who moved the amendment had spoken of the utter detestation in which the house of Bourbon was held by the people of France; but until he produced some evidence in support of his assertion, their lordships could not admit it to be well founded. The only evidence he had seen to such an effect was contained, perhaps, in a few paragraphs of a newspaper : but nothing was more common in this country than for newspapers to make attacks on all the crowned heads of Europe. The noble earl then spoke on the nature of the loan which some capitalists of this coun

try

try were preparing to advance to the French government, He must say, that he knew of no law to prevent the capitalist of this country from making the most beneficial application of his capital, particularly in lending it to a government in a state of amity and alliance with this country. But this loan would not, as the noble earl seemed to imagine, press exclusively on the English money market; on the contrary, it would be advanced by a va riety of capitalists of all nations, without discrimination; and he was most happy to learn, that a very considerable portion of it would come from the monyed men of France. He stated the fact with pleasure, as a proof of the consolidation of the French government, and of the consideration and confi. dence which it enjoyed among its own subjects, as well as affording a pledge that the duration of peace would be lasting. He would not now go back, as had been done by the noble earl, into a consideration of the terms of the peace that had been concluded with France; that peace had already obtained the approbation of the house, and he be lieved of the country. But if the noble lord believed that the main object of that peace was to maintain the Bourbons on the throne of France, he was completely mistaken. The first object, he (lord Bathurst) would admit, was to give support to that family, as the most likely mode of securing the general peace of Europe; but there was a second object, to secure the fulfil ment of the indemnities stipulated in the peace of Paris; and thirdly, to occupy the frontier towns of France, until the left bank of the Rhine was adequately secured by the erection of barriers against the future aggressions of that country;

more particularly after the treaty had confirmed its territorial inte grity. With respect to the first of these objects, why was it thought, desirable? Chiefly because the whole French army had showed it. self radically hostile to the Bourbon family. That army was now disbanded; but if it had been left in full force, there is little doubt but it would have operated to the immediate overthrow of the Bourbon dynasty. The noble earl next adverted to the spirit of discontent and disaffection which the address alluded to as having manifested it self at home. Whoever had no. ticed the systematic attacks that had been made, must have remarked, that they were not directed so much against the ministers of the crown, as against the personage who exercised the functions of sovereignty. There was nothing that malignity could invent that had not been assiduously propagated a gainst him; and it would remain for the house to consider what further measures were necessary to counteract such nefarious objects.

The marquis of Wellesley.-In the present arduous circumstances of the country, there remained at least one source of consolation, one advantage for their lordships, that the distress which prevailed had now attained a pitch of mag. nitude which could no longer be disguised-which it was no longer in the power of any master of the art of disguise, nor of Hibernian metaphor, to conceal or wrap up from the observation of parliament. It was a distress of the most dreadful magnitude that ever threatened the existence or well-being of any country; and he was bound to ex press his astonishment, that on an occasion of such dreadful importance, so unexampled in the history of the

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world,