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be the cause of civilization and progress. Nor do they take this side only for the reason that England stood by us and prevented European intervention in our war with Spain. Most of them recognize the intolerable misrule of the Boer government, from which Americans as well as Englishmen have long suffered in the Transvaal, and the hopelessness of obtaining relief by diplomacy or moral suasion. Not a few of them affirm, what is manifestly true, that only the comparative weakness of the Boer Republic has kept England from applying coercion long ago; and much the same note is sounded by many of the leading German newspapers, which scoff at Boer mediavalism and, in the Kaiser's name, declare for rigid neutrality while England is at

war.

Boer precipitation of hostilities came like a thunder-clap upon England, unprepared as she was for war, and far from even expecting it as the outcome of the situation in South Africa. This in itself is proof that she harbored no thought of aggression in the Transvaal, though she must have known that the Boers had for years been preparing for a conflict when ready to trample upon British suzerainty. The ultimatum, sharp and offensive in its declaration, was, on the other hand, a revelation of the extent and bitterness of Boer hostility toward the English, and this was emphasized by the desire to take them unawares, and so snatch the prestige of early successes in hurling the combined Boer forces across the frontiers upon British possessions. The chief attack of the Boer invading force, under General Joubert, was directed against Natal; while smaller bodies of the Free State and Transvaal burghers marched upon the western towns of Kimberley and Mafeking in Cape Colony and Bechuanaland.

From both of these frontier towns the women and children were early sent southward to Cape Town, and the towns have since been in a state of siege.

To meet the crisis that had arisen, an army corps was despatched to the Cape from England, from India, and from the garrisons in the Mediterranean; while with the summoning of the English Parliament the reserves were called out in the United Kingdom, and contingents were sent for service in South Africa from England's colonies. The more seri

ous movement on the part of the Boers was, as we have said, directed against the north-eastern tongue of Natal, which abuts upon the South African Republic. Here the invading burghers were confronted by the British forces in the neighborhood of Glencoe and Dundee, under Generals Symons and Yule, with a reserve at Ladysmith under the chief command of General Sir George White. The Boers concentrated at Glencoe at the outset were at first severely handled by the British troops, and later another body of them suffered heavy losses in a desperate engagement at Elandslaagte. But their strategy as well as their courage not only saved them from rout, but enabled them to turn the tables terribly upon the English,—a portion of whose cavalry was entrapped and forced to surrender. The disaster took a more serious turn with the wounding and subsequent death of General Symons, and the enforced retreat, in face of a greatly superior irruption of Boers, upon Ladysmith. Here misfortunes continued to pursue the British, though so far they have maintained a gallant defence of their new position against the persistent assaults and clever tactics of the burghers. In an attack ordered by Sir George White, with the view partly to relieve the situation and partly to draw the Boers into the open country, and so protect British communications to the southward, portions of two English regiments and a mounted battery, having lost their gun equipment and ammunition supplies by a mule stampede, were surrounded and compelled to surrender.

As we go to press, the situation of the English troops beleagured at Ladysmith is the cause of grave anxiety, since the place is believed by military critics to be indefensible; while the Boers, who are brilliant fighters and skilled in strategy, largely outnumber the weakened though not dispirited garrison. With the arrival in the country of the new English army corps under Sir Redvers Buller, the commander-in-chief, relief must soon come to Ladysmith and the peril for the present will be passed. Brief as the struggle has so far been, it is obviously one of deadly earnest, and there has been on both sides grievous loss of life. The Boers have fought as brave men who have everything at stake, and though theirs is the crime of precipitating the war

they have shown how grimly and stoutly they can wage it and yet do so with humanity to the sick and wounded.

Later news relieves the situation much for the British, who have begun to show greater respect for the splendid fighting qualities of the Boers and wariness in attacking them, while demonstrating their own traditional skill and courage on the field. The invested towns are not only holding bravely out, but brilliant sorties have been made from them in which frightful losses were inflicted on the burghers. These British successes, if they do not wipe out the memory of early disasters, do much to avenge them. The treacherous use of the white flag by the Boers we cannot bear to accept without corroboration, since, if true, it would cast a dark and ineffaceable stain upon their humanity and bravery.

No European

Intervention

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Happily for England there would seem to be no probability of foreign intervention in the contest now going on in South Africa. Germany has positively pledged herself to neutrality, with the understanding, it is said, that she is to have a free hand in Asia Minor, where she is vigorously prosecuting railway plans and has the good will of the Turk. The French and Russian understanding, it is true, is a menace; but both France and Russia stand in awe of England's navy, a strong demonstration of which we have just seen in the Mediterranean, and neither of them is likely to disturb the Triple Alliance, especially while the German and British Courts continue friendly and there are signs of an Anglo-German agreement. Both Paris and St. Petersburg, we know, however, are but biding their time, for France has not resigned herself to England's designs in Egypt; while Russian intrigue has always, as its objects, to seek an outlet from the Euxine into the Mediterranean and control of the Persian Gulf.

While nothing is more easy to generate among the nations than war passions, mutual jealousy, and not the restraining influences of the recent Peace Conference at The Hague, prevents a general concert of the Continental Powers. Nor, were this otherwise, would there be much justification for an attack upon England. No European Power, if perhaps we exclude Holland, has any interest in Boer affairs or motive for intervention;

while all must know that the present war in South Africa is not of England's seeking, but has been rudely thrust upon her. In the Dutch African Republics it may be no crime to resist British ascendancy, but needlessly to provoke war is surely not in accord with the Gospel message or with the humane spirit of the age.

Overtures

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Filipino Peace Whatever truth there may be in the reported overtures which Aguinaldo is said to have made to the American military authorities in Luzon, peace is not likely to be the result, in the present mind and mood of the McKinley Administration. The one condition, we are told, on which General Otis will have anything to say to Aguinaldo or anyone of the responsible Tagal leaders is that he shall first make submission for himself and the so-called "rebels » who have been driven to insurgency in defence of their hearths and homes in the Philippines, and have consequently determinedly resisted American authority. That this attitude toward Aguinaldo and the native army we have long been fighting on the islands is official, may be readily gathered from the speeches of the President in his recent tour in the West, as well as from the tenor of the preliminary Report of the Philippine Commission, which has just been published. Evidently the only hope for peace, therefore, is either subjugation or voluntary submission to our rule, though the President has been telling us, in oft-repeated words, that the United States is conducting a war only of liberation, and that our country's flag is the emphatic symbol of selfgovernment! Whether imperialism or anti-imperialism is to prevail among us and the approaching session of Congress will, it is to be hoped, settle that there is no doubt that the nation as a whole is now desirous of peace, and that, of course, with honor. How peace with honor is best to be secured - whether by putting the 60,000 men we now have in the Philippines to the further work of annexation and conquest, with the attendant heavy expenditure of blood and treasure, or by honestly retracing our steps and abandoning the attempt to subdue an alien people by trampling upon liberty and upon our traditional regard for human rights- we must leave Congress to say. Meanwhile, Presidential appeals to "Duty taking hold

of Destiny" and statements to the effect that "Providence has put the Philippine archipelago in our lap," and yet has called upon us to "fork over" twenty millions of dollars to Spain, should, as a matter of good taste, be dispensed with, and the voice of conscience in the people be permitted to be heard.

Vice-President Hobart's Ill

ness

As the present number passes from our hands VicePresident Garret A. Hobart's illness continues to give great alarm to his friends and is the cause of deep regret throughout the nation. The statesman lies in a very critical condition at his New Jersey home in Paterson, the attendant physicians, it is reported, holding out no hope of recovery. The announcement is further made that, whether there is a recovery or not, Mr. Hobart will not return to Washington or continue to fill his high office as President of the Senate. Mr. Hobart's withdrawal from public life will doubtless occasion widespread regret, since he has won the esteem and good will of even his political opponents, and been a useful and worthy servant of the State, always actuated by scrupulously correct motives and a high sense of honor.

Death of General It is with unfeigned reGuy V. Henry gret that we chronicle the death at New York on the 27th of October, after a short illness, of Brigadier-General Guy V. Henry. To the present generation the deceased officer is chiefly known for his participation in Cuba in the events of the war with Spain, and for his brief but admirable administration as GovernorGeneral of Porto Rico. His career as a soldier, however, dates back to the era of the Civil War, in which he served with distinction as an artillery officer and as colonel of the 40th Massachusetts infantry. During the Indian troubles in the 'seventies he saw hard service and did much brilliant and effective work. He was in command of a cavalry regiment which formed part of General Crook's force in the expedition against the Sioux of the Yellowstone country and the Big Horn. Twenty years later he acted as lieutenant-colonel of the Seventh and colonel of the Tenth Cavalry, and was afterwards gazetted a brigadier-general in the regular army and a major-general of volunteers. General Henry was very popular in both the regular and the volunteer

branches of the United States service. His various manuals on military drill and on target practice and field duty made his name familiar among volunteers, and many organizations of the latter, and chiefly the Seventh Regiment of New York, found in him an ideal soldier and an interested friend and counsellor. At the Adjutant-General's Department, Washington, as well as in high military and official circles at the capital, General Henry was deservedly held in much esteem, and his sudden death has been greatly deplored.

Christmas

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With the recurring close of the year, and within a twelvemonth of the hastening end of a century, comes again the social and ecclesiastical festival of Christmas. As the world grows older and gets further away from the Divine event which the season commemorates, Christmas seems to lose much of its once cherished and hallowing associations. The age becomes more and more critical and sceptical, and with the advent of a so-called "scientific" school of Biblical criticism religious faith suffers increasing loss and becomes impatient with revealed and even more impatient with dogmatic truth. With the materialism of the time there has also come an increasing indifference, which is perhaps working more havoc in the ranks of belief than was the case in an earlier era of aggressive doubt. And yet this is not the attitude of myriads of intellectual minds that feel the perplexities of the hour, but continue to bow before the unique character of the Founder of Christianity, and admit the sufficingness for every need of the world's great message. Nor is it the attitude of those, still the salt of the earth, who retain their reverence for sacred things, and, themselves feeling the benign influence of Christianity, recognize its power in the world for good. These are they who, impelled by the charity which the Gospel above all virtues commends, open their hearts and hands to the poor and needy at the sacred season of family reunions and home rejoicings. Nor in these days can it be said that there is little need for the ministrations of practical religion, when, if there is not actual want of bread, there are numberless sorrowing hearts to be comforted and an infinitude of yearnings for human sympathy.

WOMAN AND THE HOME

IT IS amusing to observe how we "democrats » resent the dissemination of our ideas. We

ciples of eternal liberty and equality, and have, indeed, proved our willingness to do so. But now that the foreigners with us are learning their lesson to perfection and refuse to accept the menial positions we offer them- nay, that we insist upon their taking — we are indeed enraged. That our dinners should go uncooked because the Swede maidens marry and have households of their own; that the summons at the door must be answered by ourselves because the colored cook prefers to work "by the day" instead of submitting to our small tyrannies, arouse our indignation. The freedom and equality which we desired for ourselves, but which we never granted to our servants, seem now an impertinent sophistry. Why are not these beings silent before us? Why are they not grateful for our reluctantly doled wage? Why are they not content to stay in the kitchen six nights of the week, gazing upon our pots and pans, and waiting upon our sovereign pleasure? Because — shame to them! - they have adopted our democratic principles-those principles which we have so dangerously advocated in our drawing-rooms, at our clubs, and in the press. Did they presume to listen, they, who should have no ears? Were they so inconsiderate as to take us at our word? Alas, it is so! These women have wedded the pleasant policemen who patrolled our streets, the engaging order-clerks who called at the kitchen doors, or the genial barbers who cut the locks of our hopefuls. Some of them have even gone the length of sending us their wedding cards,— for are they not as good as anybody and happier than most? Truly. Therefore are our kitchens desolate and our tea-tables unattended.

The famine in servant girls is not confined to any one locality. It exists over the length and breadth of the country, nor has anything like it been known since pioneer days. It is said that it is also causing much inconvenience in Europe, where marriages among the laboring classes are, as they are here, becoming more frequent, and factory or shop work is preferred by the unmarried to the long and monotonous hours required by domestic service.

It is not to be denied that many a kind mistress has been treated with much inconsideration, and that many a pure home has been defiled by the presence within it of workingwomen of foul language and uncleanly house

keeping ways, but still the balance of injustice has been on the other side, and out of the perplexing situation which now confronts us may arise some definite good. The servant girl will be looked upon as a more desirable article than she has been previously, and when she asks, "What sort of room am I to sit in after my work is done?" she will not be shown the undecorated kitchen in which she has worked all day. Moreover, the mistress, in providing better accommodations and extending fairer treatment, will have a right to exact more intelligent service, and perhaps in time she will come to have it. It is impossible to better the condition of the maid without also, eventually, bettering the state of the mistress as well.

Sooner or later, as the inevitable result of the present domestic upheaval, there must be a readjustment of matters, an increase of wages, a higher standard of work, more conscience upon the part of employers in recommending help, and more honesty upon the part of servants. For now it must be maintained that many of them are dishonest in that they do not satisfactorily perform the tasks for which they have been hired. In short, after we have suffered long enough and experimented sufficiently we shall learn to treat our servants, not as slaves, but as thinking and lovable human beings, as they are treated in England, for example. Here, being apprehensive, as we have been, that at any moment our servingmaids might rise up and assert themselves, imposing their individuality upon us in some way exceedingly disagreeable to our plutocratic sensibilities, we have not learned to rely upon and to confide in our domestic helpers as the women of England do, nor have we paid them the respect which is paid to the excellent servant class there. True, our helpers have not, as a class, done anything to deserve it. We have, in fact, proceeded upon a mistaken theory, have most inconsistently ignored our own theories, and have made a mess of it. Democratic in principle, we have been the most autocratic mistresses in the world in fact. Ambitious to attain absolute independence for ourselves and an aristocratic leisure, we have endeavored to have all of our household labors performed for us by one or two servants. We have expected everything to run like clockwork while we entertained company, went about as we pleased, and left all to the care of our assistants. It has not succeeded. We have blundered. Let us now, as in the better class of homes in England,

provide proper sitting-rooms for our servants. arrange definitely concerning the duties of each person employed, faithfully overlook the work ourselves, pay fair wages, and permit all the liberty consistent with justice. Of course many women have always done these things, and are suffering now because of the selfishness and stupidity of the women who have not; but in time better service will come with improved conditions, and intelligent young women, finding domestic service not too unremunerative or confining, will prefer it to the fatigue of factory work. It must be admitted, however, that all of this theorizing is poor comfort to the overworked housekeeper who at present attempts to be both mistress and maid, lacking persuasion to induce any one to come to her assistance. The situation may be said to have reached a crisis.

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THE enthusiasts in the cause of anti-vivisection hoped to have an exhibit at the Paris Exposition, but it has been barred out as not being "pleasingly attractive," and also because of its international character,-"no provision being made, for any such combination." It is therefore proposed to have a bureau near the Exposition, at which lectures will be given, displays made, and literature distributed. The antivivisectionists feel, not without reason, that by very many the movement for which they stand is regarded as a fad, and they desire to controvert this idea by showing in a practical and memorable manner the truth about the sufferings- unnecessary sufferings, as they claiminflicted upon the animals created to be our companions. They wish, also, to exploit the fact that the movement is continually growing and now has its representatives in almost every part of the world. To speak quite frankly upon this subject, it has often seemed as if Christians, amiable and tender in all other matters, were criminally neglectful of the interests of the lower animals. To hunt and kill them has been the delight of many of the men most distinguished for great qualities. To treat them always as creatures made for the pleasure of man is the custom of the average Christian, and for this view he has of course such warrant as can be produced by ancient aphorisms.

While we would not suggest that the regard for animals should degenerate into the ignorant awe which obtains in the East, yet, casting superstition aside, and putting the relationship upon purely affectional grounds, there is all that is beautiful in the little Indian child's salute of: "Brother! Brother!" when he calls his kid to his side. Brothers, indeed, are these creatures; created as mysteriously as selves; gifted, like ourselves, though not in equal degree, — with intelligence and the capacity for love; capable, like ourselves, of good or bad lives. Like ourselves they are filled with

our

curiosity and alertness, are sorrowful or joyful as their circumstances may warrant; and like us they are baffled and filled with mourning when their chosen companions die. We have been stupid, take us for all in all, in dealing with and judging of the animals.

Mrs. Coonley Ward, who is one of the most influential women in Chicago, a writer, a clubwoman, and a sort of universal mother to all who need mothering, a stately hostess, and a famous traveller, has a winning way with animals. This summer, while she was on the very quietest part of her vacation, she made herself acquainted with a red squirrel. She did it by sitting perfectly still every day in a certain place, and becoming, so to speak, a part of the landscape.

That she was the most pleasing part of it was evidenced by the demeanor of the squirrel, who came furtively and crept upon the folds of her gown. After several days of this intimacy Mrs. Ward ventured to stroke him with a finger, and after the first suspicious moment the squirrel concluded that these caresses were to his liking and submitted to them with sweet unconcern,

There is a certain beautiful and odd little town in Iowa named Tabor, which was founded many years ago by good Congregationalists from Oberlin, Ohio, who journeyed westward to establish a church and a school for higher education at the frontier. The story of how they did it, and of how they stood for great ideas and afforded shelter to John Brown and his fugitives, and of how they have always consistently proceeded along the lines laid down by our Puritan ancestors, is too long to tell here. But, of all the movements for which the men and women of the town have stood, none is more quaint and disinterested than the interpolation among the town ordinances of a forbiddance to kill the squirrels or the birds. Tabor was a treeless plateau when the devoted pioneers settled upon it, but the first of their labors was tree-planting, and now the streets are a veritable arbor, so umbrageous are the trees and so generous their sweep. They are alive with birds and squirrels, and the latter have no more trouble than the former in chasing each other from one side of the street to the other, for it is not necessary for them to do more than find their way among the interlacing branches. An idyllic atmosphere pervades the place in consequence. When the groups of students sit at twilight talking in the shady yards, the squirrels come down to listen, and to turn upon them a friendly regard; and the sylvan chorus of unmolested birds lives forever in the memory of those who have Tabor College for their alma

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