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Mr. SCHEUER. Allow me to take advantage of the question that you asked, Mr. Bingham, as to whether it would be appropriate for this subcommittee to act on the several very excellent resolutions that are pending before it. I feel very strongly that it would be appropriate.

PRECEDENTS FOR ACTION

First, historically, this Nation has expressed concern for the treatment of minorities in other lands. We have done it time and again, going back to the expression of sympathy for the citizens of France on the occasion of the French Revolution. And, in recent years, we have expressed sympathy for the treatment of minority people in Portuguese Angola, in Rhodesia, in Southwest Africa, in Cyprus, in Greece, and most recently in Vietnam, where we protested the treatment of the Catholic minority and other minorities in Vietnam who were being atrociously mistreated by the Government.

So, an expression of concern for Soviet Jewry would be, it is consistent with the long practice of a humanitarian people and a humanitarian government.

Second, there is no doubt whatsoever that the Jews in the Soviet Union have been mistreated. You have heard very eloquent testimony about the manner in which their expression of their religious beliefs has been suppressed, how their expression of their cultural identification has been suppressed through the suppression of the Yiddish papers, Yiddish theater, other Yiddish cultural expressions.

OVER 120 MINORITY GROUPS

Nowhere among the other 120 recognized Soviet minority groups, both ethnic and religious, is there anything like the oppression, the discrimination, the designed suffocation of belief and expression as has been suffered by the Jewish community in the Soviet Union. So the facts are clearly there.

Third, our Government has expressed itself in a fashion on the subject, but not entirely and effectively so.

The State Department on May 22 put out a very commendable statement about the Leningrad trials directed to the Soviet Union, and on January 11 of this year the President of the United States expressed himself very clearly in a message directed to the American Jewish community.

But I feel that we must make this a trilogy, we must add a direct expression by the President of the United States to the Soviet Union expressing our deep concern as a Nation.

I think the facts are that on important issues of foreign policy, the buck stops at the White House. This is quite well known. The State Department I feel expressed itself in commendable fashion on January 11, but I think that a strong statement of concern emanating from the White House would have very much more meaning, and could have a critical effect.

Again, I don't wish to be redundant, but we know that a protest that is orderly that is peaceful, that is nonviolent, that does not involve violent personal attack on people or destruction of property-we know that this kind of protest is respected throughout the world,

is

considered a proper and significant welling up of outrage at the exploitation and the suppression of the Russian Jewish community.

Moreover, we know it is effective with the Soviet Union. We know that they take these expressions throughout the world seriously. We know it affects their internal policy.

For all these reasons, I think that your favorable action on the resolutions, and there are several of them, is highly appropriate at this time. I believe you should direct your resolution to encourage a strong statement by the President of the United States addressed to the Soviet Union.

In addition, many Members of Congress have expressed a belief that if the Voice of America should begin broadcasts in the Yiddish language to the Russian Jewish community, that that would have an enormous effect.

NEWS IN YIDDISH

It would not have to be a strident, harsh political signal. As a matter of fact, it would not have to be a political signal at all. It would not have to be of a very significant duration. Just a minute or two a day, perhaps, of Yiddish music, of Yiddish drama, of Yiddish story telling, of perhaps the reportage of news in Yiddish of Jewish doings and happenings around the world in the various Jewish communities of the world, totally disconnected with the plight of Russian Jewry, and totally nonpolitical from the point of view of the Soviet Government, such broadcasts would have two very important impacts.

First, it would be a clear and unmistakable signal to the Jewish community in Soviet Russia that we knew that they were there, we knew that they had problems, and that we were concerned, and that we cared.

Second, broadcasts of this type would be a subtle message to the Soviet Government that we were distressed with the treatment of their Jewish minority, and just as we had expressed ourselves in the past, in very recent years, about the Portuguese treatment of the Angolan nationals, the treatment by the Government of Rhodesia and the various governments of Southwest Africa of their minorities, the treatment of the Cypriots in Greece, and the various Vietnamese minorities, so we were consistent with that by expressing ourselves in a

Mr. ROSENTHAL. The USIA has refused to do that.

Mr. SCHEUER. Yes, they have refused to do that.

I am sure you will hear more of this from Congressman Ryan. In the meetings we have had with them, I feel they have not been forthright, they have not been sincere. They have been sanctimonious and nonresponsive in the answers that they have given us.

They have cited nonexistent problems. I think they have not been intellectually honest in the way they faced up to the problem.

I believe the State Department, while it may not have gone as far as we might have wished, and the President of the United States, while he may not have gone as far as we might have wished, have been very much more sensitive to the problem than the VOA has.

Mr. ROSENTHAL. Are you suggesting that the USIA legislation move a little slowly through this committee next year until you have a chance to have some more meetings?

Mr. SCHEUER. I think that would be good.

I also believe it would be good if the members of this committee, formally or informally, were to question the VOA on why they were not responding to these requests, and why they were not responding to what apparently is clear U.S. policy as expressed by the State Department's message of May 22 and by the President's message of January 11.

They have cited to us problems that were so silly as to defy answer. Mr. ROSENTHAL. Before these hearings are closed, we will consider calling them before the committee.

Mr. SCHEUER. I think that will be an excellent idea.

I am sure my colleague, Mr. Ryan, who has played a great leadership role in this particular effort, will have more to say.

Suffice it to say I think you are correct to bring up these resolutions at this time. It is totally consistent with a number of expressions of concern our Government has made in the pact.

PEACEFUL EXPRESSIONS USEFUL

We know that past expression of concern by private groups on the subject of Soviet Jewry, which has been conducted in a quiet, peaceful, orderly, dignified manner, has had real effect on Soviet policy, and hopefully perhaps a strong statement by the President plus a change in the VOA policy could be the capstone that would give us a true explosion of progress in this compassionate area.

Mr. ROSENTHAL. Thank you very much, Congressman Scheuer.
Mr. Findley.

Mr. FINDLEY. I have no questions.

Mr. ROSENTHAL. Thank you very much. We are grateful to you for appearing before this subcommittee.

Mr. SCHEUER. Again, I congratulate the very distinguished chairman of this subcommittee on his outstanding leadership. I trust he will continue these splendid efforts in the months ahead.

Mr. ROSENTHAL. Let me ask one other thought. I hesitate to do it, because it is kind of tricky.

How do you relate this situation to the matter of the deprivation of the rights of the minorities in Northern Ireland? Have you thought about that at all?

Mr. SCHEUER. I have not thought about that. I would not hestiate at all, if after informing myself on the facts, it was clear to me that there was suppression of the rights of a minority by the Crown, I would not at all hesitate to send a proper message on this subject to the Prime Minister of England.

I think it would be entirely appropriate for this committee to do so, if they felt that leadership on the part of the Prime Minister were indicated.

Mr. ROSENTHAL. That may well happen.

Thank you very much.

Mr. FINDLEY. Could I ask one question?

Mr. ROSENTHAL. Go ahead.

Mr. FINDLEY. Mr. Scheuer, would you be satisfied if the Yiddish broadcasts to the Soviet Union dealt only with news reports, that is, have the same general content as broadcast in the local language?

Mr. SCHEUER. I would be absolutely satisfied, Mr. Findley. I would be absolutely satisfied.

NONPOLITICAL BROADCASTS

The only reason that I suggested the possibility of having nonpolitical, non-news broadcasts is that they would be even more fair, they would be even less controversial than our news broadcasts to the Soviet Union.

It is perfectly obvious that much of the news that we beam to the Soviet Union is news that the Soviets do not have available from reading Pravda, that they cannot hear listening to their own radio. After all, this is the original purpose of having VOA.

Mr. FINDLEY. The translation of what they are now beaming to Russia would be a significant advance, in your view?

Mr. SCHEUER. There is no question about that. The Voice of America might say, "Well, they might resent the fact we are beaming political news to the Soviet Union."

I would say as a defense that the Yiddish language broadcasts need not be as controversial, let us say, as beaming perhaps embarrassing but certainly controversial news to the Soviet Union.

I would be satisfied with having non-news broadcasts, be it a little Yiddish story telling, or little Yiddish music, or news and views of other parts of the world, perhaps of events and happenings in the Jewish community.

But I would be overjoyed, and I would deem it preferable, to have some small percentage, and it could be 2 or 3 or 4 or 5 percent of the regular news broadcasting, taking place in Yiddish.

I would be satisfied with a good deal less than that. I think the fact that any Yiddish music were to go out, the fact that any Yiddish language broadcasting, the fact that jokes and story telling were to go out, would be a clear signal both to the Jewish community and the Soviet Government of our concern.

Mr. FINDLEY. Thank you.

(Exchange of correspondence referred to in Congressman Scheuer's testimony follows:)

LETTER TO PRESIDENT NIXON AND REPLY

JUNE 18, 1971.

The PRESIDENT,
White House,

Washington, D.C.

DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: On June 21, in Kishinev, the Soviet Union will begin the trial of nine Jews linked by Russian authorities to the alleged June, 1970 skyjacking attempt. As the State Department has said about the trial of four Jews in Riga connected with the same incident, "it would appear that the defendants (are being) tried for actions which are not even considered a crime in most countries." This trial is thus another example of the failure of the Soviet government to treat its Jewish citizens in accord with the Soviet Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

We believe that the time has come for you, as the nation's spokesman in foreign affairs, to speak forcefully on the subject to the Soviet government.

The Soviet government is sensitive to world opinion. It has been responsive to public appeals. We are convinced that a statement from you, as the only public official elected by the entire nation could have a desirable effect in changing Soviet policy towards its Jewish minority.

Therefore, we call upon you to make a public statement on this issue and to urge the Soviet government to take affirmative action to grant Soviet Jews the full rights enjoyed by citizens of all freedom-loving nations.

Sincerely,

Signed by Representatives Bella S. Abzug, Joseph P. Addabbo, John B. Anderson, William R. Anderson, Herman Badillo, Mario Biaggi, Jonathan B. Bingham, John Brademas, Frank J. Brasco, Shirley Chisolm, George W. Collins, James C. Corman, Bob Eckhardt, Joshua Eilberg, Dante B. Fascell, Donald M. Fraser, Bill Frenzel, James G. Fulton, Edward A. Garmatz, Ella T. Grasso, Seymour Halpern, James M. Hanley, Michael Harrington, Ken Hechler, Lawrence J. Hogan, Edward I. Koch, Peter N. Kyros, Mike McCormack, Joseph G. Minish, Parren J. Mitchell, F. Bradford Morse, John E. Moss, Claude Pepper, Bertram L. Podell, Donald W. Riegle, Jr., Benjamin S. Rosenthal, William F. Ryan, James H. Scheuer, Robert L. F. Sikes, Charles A. Vanik, Jerome R. Waldie, Sidney R. Yates.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, D.C., August 4, 1971.

Hon. JAMES H. SCHEUER,
House of Representatives,

Washington, D.C.

DEAR MR. SCHEUER: The President has asked that I reply to your letter of June 18, also signed by a number of your colleagues, requesting a Presidential statement on the plight of Soviet Jewry.

President Nixon shares your concern. The United States Government does not intend to let the Soviet Government forget the fundamental human rights involved with regard to Jews and other minorities in the Soviet Union. Our views have been communicated to the Soviet authorities in the Department's statement of May 27 on trials of Jews, and in many other ways.

As the President's message of January 11 to American Jewish leaders has already declared, "You may be certain also that this Administration, reflecting the traditional liberties upon which this country was founded, joins with you in urging freedom of emigration as explicity provided in Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in its commitment to cultural and religious freedom at home and abroad."

You may be sure both our public and private efforts will not lag. We share your interest in finding realistic and constructive ways to ameliorate the situation of Soviet Jews.

Sincerely yours,

DAVID M. ABSHIRE, Assistant Secretary for Congressional Relations.

Mr. ROSENTHAL. Thank you very much.
Our next witness is Congressman Ryan.

Without objection, the statement by Congressman McClory of Illinois will be included in the record immediately following the testimony of Mr. Ryan.

Mr. Ryan, we are very grateful to you for taking the time out from a busy schedule to appear before the committee. We are pleased to hear from you.

(The statement referred to by Congressman McClory appears on

p. 38.)

STATEMENT OF HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK

Mr. RYAN. Mr. Chairman, I should like to commend you for the leadership you have shown as chairman of this very important Subcommittee on Europe and for holding these hearings to bring the attention of the Congress and the public the plight of Soviet Jewry.

It is indeed a pleasure for me to appear before you. Knowing how deeply you feel about issues of human freedom, it is unnecessary for me to remind you why the Congress should take action.

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