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IV-25

"THE AMERICAN COMMITMENT TO THE FREEDOM OF EUROPE IS RELIABLE... AND... I AM PROUD TO PROCLAIM TO MY OWN COUNTRYMEN THAT THE FREE MEN AND FREE GOVERNMENTS OF FREE EUROPE ARE ALSO FIRM IN THEIR COMMITMENTS TO OUR COMMON CAUSE": Address by the President (Kennedy) at NATO Headquarters, Naples, July 2, 1963 79

IV-26

THE KENNEDY TRIP TO EUROPE: Report to the Nation by the President (Kennedy), July 5, 1963 80

I think every American has reason to be proud of this nation's reputation and standing in Europe. Most of us are descended from that continent. Some of us still have relatives there. Some of us still have sons or brothers buried on that continent. We have close cultural and intellectual ties. We have long been linked by travel and com

merce.

Today I can report an even deeper tie between the people of Europe and the people of the United States. Our steadfast role in the defense of freedom for 18 years, for peace and justice, I think has earned us the abiding trust and respect of the people of Europe. Our willingness to undertake the hard tasks of leadership, to station our soldiers and sailors and airmen far away from home-and I saw some of them in Europe to assume the burdens of preventing another war, all this which we in America sometimes take for granted and which we think other people take for granted has earned the American people a high reputation and brought us steadfast good will.

This trip was for me a moving experience. I saw the expressions of hope and confidence on the faces of West Berliners 100 miles behind the Iron Curtain. I heard expressions of confidence in the United States from the leaders of Germany and England, Italy and Ireland. And I felt the admiration and affection that their people had for the people of the United States. Above all, I found in every country a

"White House press release (Naples) dated July 2, 1963: the Department of State Bulletin, July 22, 1963, pp. 134–136. For President Kennedy's itinerary, see footnote 80 to doc. IV–26, infra.

White House press release dated July 5, 1963 (text as printed in the Department of State Bulletin, July 22, 1963, p. 137). President Kennedy left Washington June 22 and visited Cologne June 23, Bonn June 23-25 (see post, doc. IV-83), Hanau June 25, Frankfurt June 25 (see ante, doc. IV-21), Wiesbaden June 25-26, Berlin June 26 (see post, doc. VI-22), Dublin June 26-27, New Ross, Dunganstown, and Wexford June 27, Dublin June 27-28, Cork June 28, Dublin June 28-29, Galway, Limerick, and Shannon June 29, Waddington June 29, Birch Grove (Sussex, England) June 29-30 (see post, doc. IV–100), Milan June 30, Villa Serbelloni (Como, Italy) June 30-July 1. Milan July 1, Rome July 1-2 (see post, doc. IV-94), Vatican City July 2, Rome July 2, Naples July 2 (see supra), and returned to Washington July 3, 1963.

deep conviction in our common goals, the unity of the West, the freedom of man, the necessity for peace.

Western Europe is fast becoming a dynamic united power in world affairs. It is not the same Europe that brought our troops twice to war in 40 years. It is not the same Europe that was so dependent on us 18 years ago. There is still much progress to be made. There will still be disappointments. But today we can be more confident than ever that the Old World and the New are partners for progress and partners for peace. And so I am happy to be home.

IV-27

THE NEED FOR "A BALANCED CONVENTIONAL-NUCLEAR FORCE STRUCTURE” IN NATO: Address by the Secretary of State (Rusk) Before the Virginia State Bar Association, White Sulphur Springs, W. Va., July 12, 1963 81

IV-28

"SECOND ANNUAL AID REVIEW OF THE DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE EFFORTS AND POLICIES OF THE D.A.C.": Press Release Issued Following the 19th Meeting of the Development Assistance Committee of the OECD, Paris, July 24-25, 1963 82

There has been a broad and vigorous effort on the part of the Members of the Development Assistance Committee to reappraise and improve the policies and operations of their assistance programmes with a view to increasing the effectiveness of their aid and adapting it more closely to the less-developed countries' requirements. This emerged from the Second Annual Aid Review of the Development Assistance Efforts and Policies of D.A.C. Members, which was completed today with a two-day meeting attended by high-level government representatives, as well as by observers from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the International Monetary Fund and the Inter-American Development Bank. There was general agreement that as the economic and social development of the less-developed countries is one of the great challenges of our time, additional efforts are essential on the part of the industrialized countries. Emphasis was also placed upon the necessity of the less-developed countries mobilizing to the fullest extent their own resources and creating conditions which secure the most effective use of public and private external resources.

The Hon. Willard L. Thorp, Chairman of the D.A.C., presented a report on the major problems which had emerged from the review of Members' policies and on the progress made in dealing with some of the major questions which had concerned the Committee during the

81 'Department of State press release No. 367; the Department of State Bulletin, Aug. 5, 1963, pp. 190-198.

OECD doc. Press/A (63) 45.

past year. The results of a special review of technical co-operation policies and activities were also incorporated in the Chairman's Report. The Committee examined in detail the problems presented in the report and agreed to take into account in determining their development assistance efforts and policies a number of recommendations regarding the adequacy of the level of aid, the terms and conditions on which it is provided, as well as the conditions affecting its effective use, including improved co-ordination of donor countries' policies and operations in individual recipient countries. These recommendations are set out in full in the attached Annex.83

The Committee, among other points, agreed:

- as an indication of their continuing concern with the adequacy of the volume and the quality of aid, to reaffirm the resolution of the Common Aid Effort adopted at the London meeting in March 1961 8 in which Members agreed to make it their common objective to secure an expansion of the aggregate volume of resources made available to less developed countries and to improve their effectiveness, and that the various Governments should determine their respective contributions to the Common Aid Effort, having regard to the circumstances of each country including its economic capacity and all other relevant factors, - in view of the lag between commitments and disbursements, to examine the factors contributing to this problem and to consider methods of reducing it through technical assistance or by other means,

- to reaffirm the understanding reached at the Bonn meeting in July 1960 85 at which it was agreed that countries should move in the direction of providing assistance without tying it to their own exports having regard among other factors to their balance of payments situation. It was agreed to consider further various suggested methods which might be taken in order to reduce the scope and harmful effects of aid tying,

- to reaffirm the Resolution of the Terms of Aid adopted at the meeting of the Development Assistance Committee in April 1963,86 and to continue to move towards comparability in the terms and conditions of their aid, which will necessarily involve further liberalisation of the terms adopted by some members,

in view of the significant benefits obtained from the various country and regional meetings held in the past year, to hold as appropriate further meetings of this kind, to review progress to date and to arrange a schedule and procedures for such meetings.

The meeting noted that the net flow of official financial resources from DAC countries in 1962 was maintained at the high level of $6.0 billion which has been reached in 1961 as a result of an increase of over 20% compared with 1960. Further progress was made in softening the terms of aid. The net flow of private capital to less developed countries declined by $200 million to $2.4 billion. Commitments of 83 Not reprinted here.

86

Text in the Department of State Bulletin, Apr. 16, 1961, pp. 554-555.

85 See American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1960, p. 330, footnote 22. Adopted Apr. 3; OECD doc. DAC (63) 10 dated Apr. 4, 1963 (restricted to participants). See ante, doc. IV-13.

aid by DAC Members in 1962 were substantially higher than their aid expenditures in that year and statements made during the Aid Review suggest that the total volume of official disbursements in 1963 is likely to exceed the 1962 level.

87

The Members welcomed the entry into operation of the OECD Development Centre, which promises to play an important part in mobilizing technical skills and facilities of Members in support of development objectives.

IV-29

FRENCH REJECTION OF THE SOVIET PROPOSAL FOR A NONAGGRESSION PACT BETWEEN THE PARTICIPANTS IN NATO AND THE PARTICIPANTS IN THE WARSAW TREATY: Reply Made by the President of the French Republic (General de Gaulle) to a Question Asked at a News Conference, July 29, 1963 (Excerpt) 88

From the political standpoint it is true that the Soviet bloc holds to its totalitarian and threatening ideology and again recently the Berlin wall, the scandal of the Berlin wall, or the installation of nuclear arms in Cuba have shown that, because of the Soviet bloc, peace remained precarious. On the other hand, human evolution in Russia and its satellites, considerable economic and social difficulties in the life of those countries, and above all the beginnings of an opposition which is appearing between a European empire possessing immense Asiatic territories which make it the greatest colonial power of our times, and the empire of China, its neighbor for 6,000 miles, inhabited by 700 million men, an empire that is indestructible, ambitious and deprived of everything—all that can, in effect, introduce some new elements into the concerns of the Kremlin and lead it to insert a note of sincerity in the couplets that it devotes to peaceful coexistence. And, thus, the United States which, since Yalta and Potsdam, has nothing, after all, to ask from the Soviets, the United States sees tempting prospects opening up before it. Hence, for instance, all the separate negotiations between the Anglo-Saxons and the Soviets, which, starting with the limited agreement on nuclear testing," seem likely to be extended to other questions, notably European ones, until now in the absence of the Europeans, which clearly goes against the views of France. France, in effect, has for a long time believed that the day might come when a real détente, and even a sincere entente, will enable the relations between East and West in Europe to be completely changed and it intends, if this day comesI have said this on other occasions-to make constructive proposals with regard to the peace, balance and destiny of Europe. But for the time being, France will not subscribe to any arrangement that would be made above its head and which would concern Europe and particularly Germany. As for a draft nonaggression pact—which, we are told, was discussed in Moscow "—between the States belonging to NATO and the leaders of the countries subjected to the Kremlin's yoke, I must say right away that France does not appreciate this assimilation between the Atlantic Alliance and Communist servitude. And then, moreover, there is no need for a pact in order for France to declare that it will never be the first to attack, its being understood that it will defend itself with whatever means it may

Established by the OECD Council decision of Oct. 23, 1962 (OECD doc. C(62) 144 (Final) issued Nov. 27, 1962 (restricted).

88 French Embassy Press and Information Service, New York, Speeches and Press Conferences, No. 192, July 29, 1963, pp. 8-9.

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have against whomsoever would attack either it or its allies. But today France solemnly declares through the voice of the President of the Republic that there will never be any French aggression. And consequently our eventual participation in a nonaggression pact no longer has any kind of purpose.

IV-30

UNITED STATES INTENTION TO DISCUSS WITH ITS ALLIES THE SOVIET PROPOSAL FOR A NONAGGRESSION PACT BETWEEN THE NATO AND WARSAW TREATY COUNTRIES: Reply Made by the President (Kennedy) to a Question Asked at a News Conference, August 1, 1963 91

Well, as I understood it, General de Gaulle has made a nonaggression pledge himself. It would seem to me that it might be advisable for the other members of NATO to meet together and discuss the matter [of the Soviet proposal for a nonaggression pact with the Warsaw Treaty countries].93 One of our interests in a nonaggression agreement would be greater security for Berlin. If everyone is going to unilaterally make a nonaggression agreement, then you have a nonaggression pact in a sense, and it does not seem to me that our interests have been adequately recognized. So I would feel, personally, for the United States, that we should consult with our other allies. We should, as Governor Harriman agreed to do, take up the matter of a nonaggression pact with our allies, consider their interests and our own interests, consider, as I said, for one matter, Berlin, and then go back to the Soviet Union and see what the situation looks like. That is the procedure we are going to follow. Every country, of course, is free to follow its own.

IV-31

94

THE TREATY BANNING NUCLEAR WEAPONS TESTS "DOES NOT" INHIBIT OR PREVENT THE REALIZATION OF A MULTILATERAL FORCE WITHIN NATO: Reply Made by the Secretary of State (Rusk) to a Question Asked Following His Statement Before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, August 12, 1963 95

No, sir, it [the treaty banning nuclear weapons tests] " does not [inhibit or prevent the realization of a multilateral force within

"The reply printed here is taken from p. 614 of Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: John F. Kennedy, 1963.

See supra.

*Ante, doc. IV-24.

"See post, doc. X-48.

The reply printed here is taken from p. 40 of Nuclear Test Ban Treaty: Hearings Before the Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate, 88th Congress, 1st Session, on Executive M, 88th Congress, 1st Session, Aug. 12-15, 19-23. and 26-27, 1963.

Post, doc. X-69.

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