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Scott, Hon. Hugh, a U.S. Senator from the State of Pennsylvania.
Sheet Metal and Air Conditioning Contractors' National Association, Inc.,
with letter of November 5, 1969.

The Urban Coalition Action Council-Memorandum in Support of Legality
of Philadelphia Plan, with letter of November 5, 1969-

CORRESPONDENCE, INCLUDING STATEMENTS OF VIEWS
SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD

Amalgamated Plumbers Association of Philadelphia, Elmer J. Taylor,
master plumber representative, letter of October 29, 1969, with attached
memorandums___

American Association of State Highway Officials, A. E. Johnson, executive
director, letter of November 3, 1969.

AFL-CIO, Building and Construction Trades Department, Louis Sherman,

general counsel, letters of October 17 and October 24, 1969, to Mr.

Laurence Silberman, Solicitor, U.S. Department of Labor..

The Chesapeake & Ohio Railway Co. and The Baltimore & Ohio

Railroad Co., S. R. Prince, general attorney, letter of November 7, 1969-

Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, William H. Brown III,

chairman, letter of October 24, 1969.

International Association of Bridge Structural and Ornamental Iron-

workers, John H. Lyons, general president, letter of November 17, 1969,

with copies of correspondence with the Secretary of Labor. - -

*McClellan, Hon. John L., Chairman, Senate Committee on Government

Operations, letter of May 19, 1969, to the Comptroller General of the

United States.

National Association of Manufacturers, Lambert H. Miller, general coun-

sel, letter of October 24, 1969.

National Association of Plumbing-Heating-Cooling Contractors, letter of

November 14, 1969, from Lawrence P. Mutter, executive director, with

article by James E. Curry, Jr., president, from Plumbing-Heating-Cooling

Business, September 1969_-

National Electrical Contractors Association, Robert L. Higgins, executive

vice president, letter of November 4, 1969__.

Pucinski, Hon. Roman C., a Representative in Congress from the 11th

Congressional District of the State of Illinois, letter of September 25,

1969, to the Secretary of Labor...

196

235

238

220

222

237

*A member of the Subcommittee on Separation of Powers.

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The Coast Advertiser, Belmar, New Jersey, "Congressional Supervision
Needed", April 10, 1969––

318

Detroit News, "Blacks Endorse 'Detroit Plan' for Trades Harmony",
October 28, 1969.

217

Herbers, John, "Nixon Aides Explain the Goal of Job Plan", The New
York Times, October 29, 1969__.

318

Isaacs, Arnold R., "Bias-Program Race Quota Denied", Morning Sun,
Baltimore, Md., October 29, 1969_--

319

Kohler, Saul, "Dixie Senator Acts to Halt Philadelphia Plan", The
Philadelphia Inquirer Washington Bureau, October 9, 1969-
Naughton, James M., "Job Plan Slated for 9 U.S. Cities", The New York
Times, September 30, 1969.

320

322

Pittsburgh Press, "Senators Disagree on Legality; Philadelphia Plan
Challenged", October 28, 1969__

323

Rich, Spencer, "AFL-CIO Joins Foes of Plan on Minority Hiring", The
Washington Post, October 29, 1969_-.

323

U.S. News & World Report, "Racial Hiring: Is a 'Goal' a ‘Quota'?”,
November 10, 1969.......

325

The Evening Star, Washington, D.C., “Unions Threaten Boycott Over
Racial Quota Plan", September 24, 1969-

324

The Sunday Star, Washington, D.C., "Staats Fights New Minority Hiring
Plan", November 9, 1969.

325

The Washington Post, "Chicago Unions Agree to Train More Blacks",
November 9, 1969-

218

The Washington Post, "U.S. Sets Boston Plan on Minority Hiring",
November 11, 1969--

215

HEARINGS ON

ADMINISTRATIVE AGENCIES, THE

DEPARTMENT OF LABOR'S "PHILADELPHIA PLAN"

MONDAY, OCTOBER 27, 1969

U.S. SENATE,

SUBCOMMITTEE ON SEPARATION OF POWERS,
OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY,

Washington, D.C.

The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:35 a.m., in room 2228, New Senate Office Building, Hon. Sam J. Ervin, Jr. (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.

Present: Senator Ervin (presiding).

Also present: Rufus L. Edmisten, chief counsel and staff director; Lawrence J. Brady, minority counsel, Professor Philip B. Kurland, chief consultant (University of Chicago).

Senator ERVIN. The subcommitte will come to order.

Today, the Subcommittee on Separation of Powers begins 2 days of hearings on the Department of Labor's revised Philadelphia Plan, a controversial effort to raise the percentage of minority group members working in six Philadelphia area construction trades.

Over the past 3 months, the Philadelphia Plan has become the focal point of pressures and discontent which reach far into American society. At this moment, the Labor Department and the Comptroller General of the United States are in complete disagreement about the plan's legality. The Comptroller General, who believes the plan conflicts with title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, has refused to allow any Government funds to be spent under the plan. The Labor Department, supported by the Attorney General, contends that the plan is legal and intends to implement it in nine other cities, with or without the Comptroller General's approval.

During the next 2 days, our purpose will not be to debate the wisdom of the Philadelphia Plan, although its wisdom has been challenged in the Congress and in the streets of Chicago, Pittsburgh, and Seattle. We will not assess the social and political consequences which are inherent in any such policy. Rather, we will examine the plan as it relates to the doctrine of separation of powers and try to determine whether the Labor Department has usurped Congressional authority and violated legislative intent.

We will ask the Labor Department to explain, in clear English, precisely what it means by "affirmative action goal" and by "specific numercial range." That task may not be easy. The Brookings Institution, in a report called "Jobs and Civil Rights," prepared for the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights some 2 years ago, aptly summarized the response of Labor Department officials when asked to define such

terms:

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"Compliance officials," the report found, "do everything they can to avoid directly facing questions involving preferences. The usual response when confronted with this issue is to fall back on the standard semantics that compliance is not so much a matter of set requirements as it is a matter of taking affirmative action which produce results. *** The current approach may enable the Government to go further than the Congress and public opinion would allow if its goals in this area had to be made more explicit.'

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Throughout the controversy over the Philadelphia Plan, one of the Labor Department's recurring arguments has been that the plan has been misunderstood by its critics. If the Department is sincerely concerned about any misunderstandings, now is the time to clarify them.

Now is the time for the Department to be more candid than in the past: to explain its policies in everyday English, not to cloak them in the misleading language which the Brookings report describes. For the Department to persist in using "the standard semantics" would be to leave its policies as unclear and confusing as ever.

I would like to point out that the Labor Department has been something less than cooperative in its dealings with the subcommittee. On the several occasions in which the subcommittee requested information from the Department, those requests were either ignored, answered incompletely, or answered after substantial delays. Ordinarily these would be small points, and I do not intend for them to become issues in these hearings. But if the Labor Department has in fact been misunderstood, perhaps this lack of cooperation is partly responsible for that situation.

We will also ask the Labor Department to make clear what is meant by the "good faith effort" which is required of contractors under the Philadelphia Plan. Does that "good faith effort" compel contractors to discriminate against workers who are not members of any minority group, workers with seniority in their unions, workers with the immediate skills needed to complete a Federal construction project within the contract deadline? My observation is that it does, in view of the harsh pressures which the Office of Federal Contract Compliance can bring to bear on contractors subject to the plan.

The subcommittee wants to be shown that the Philadelphia Plan, in forcing contractors to raise the percentage of minority group employment, does not violate title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. That act certainly does not authorize any racial quota systems, by whatever names they may be called. At this point, I want to read into the record section 703 (j) of title VII:

(j) Nothing contained in this title shall be interpreted to require any employer, employment agency, labor organization, or joint labor-management committee subject to this title to grant preferential treatment to any individual or to any group because of the race, color, religion, sex, or national origin of such individual or group on account of an imbalance which may exist with respect to the total number or percentage of persons of any race, color, religion, sex, or national origin employed by any employer, referred or classified for employment by any employment agency or labor organization, admitted to membership or classified by any labor organization, admitted to membership or classified by any labor organization, or admitted to, or employed in, any apprenticeship or other training program, in comparison with the total number or percentage of persons of such race, color, religion, sex, or national origin in any community, State, section, or other area, or in the available work force in any community, State, section, or other area.

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