land in a foreign country are highly detrimental to their moral and material welfare. Much of the evil that falls on the individuals might, we believe, be averted by the voluntary exodus of entire communities; but no measure of success could be commanded against the express disapproval of the Clergy, by whom alone the scheme could be worked to a prosperous issue. It is tantalizing to read of tracts of vacant land needing only the rudest plough, the very simplest husbandry, to suffer transformation from a desert into a cornfield, and then turn our eyes on the barren wastes of Connaught, overcrowded with a starving population; but we repeat that without the hearty co-operation of the Priests it is worse than useless to attempt the exportation of the peasantry.

There is another subject which, although not included in the Bill, is of pressing importance. We allude to the existing arrears of rent. There are great difficulties in the way of dealing with this question in such a manner as to afford practical relief where it is absolutely necessary, and at the same time to avoid violating the principles of natural justice. We are confronted by a state of circumstances in which some men cannot, and others will not, pay the rents which they have contracted to pay. Any measure devised for the purpose of dealing with this subject should be so framed as to permit of a sound discretion being exercised in the discrimination of these two classes. We have no sympathy with the well-to-do farmer who merely avails himself of the existing agitation to avoid payment of his just liabilities; and who, after compelling his landlord to incur the odium of extreme measures, at the last moment draws from his pocket the bundle of notes which he should have paid over some months before. But there is also, undoubtedly, a large class of tenants who have suffered by the agricultural distress to such an extent that they are not able to pay at once the arrears of rent due to their landlords, and for these some provision ought to be made. We do not see our way to recommending a total extinguishment of all arrears, for that would be to confound the prosperous and the necessitous tenants in one enactment; and, moreover, would be open to the charge of bare-faced confiscation of the landlords' rights. But the subject may be treated in one of two ways. Either the Court may be authorized to capitalize arrears where it sees that the tenant is uuable to pay; or the Treasury might advance the necessary sums to liquidate existing claims. In both cases the capital sums might be paid off by an annuity extending over a certain number of years. Without some such provision, we feel assured that the Land Bill of this Session will fail, in its immediate effects, as a message of peace to Ireland.

We have not alluded to the machinery by which this important

measure is to be worked; yet, as a practical question, very much of its success must depend on the spirit in which it is administered. It is to be feared that the part of the Bill dealing with the constitution of the Court and of the Land Commission will not prove by any means satisfactory. The Court that is to take cognizance of the numerous and important questions that may arise between landlord and tenant is the Civil Bill Court of the county where the holding is situated. The Judges of these Courts the County Court Judges-have been recently reduced in number from thirty-three to twenty-one, and their time is already fully occupied by the discharge of their existing duties. Moreover, in the exercise of their jurisdiction under the Land Act, they have failed to impress the tenant farmers of Ireland with that confidence in their impartiality, which is above all things necessary as a condition of success in a Court of Arbitration. We would not, for a moment, be understood as impugning the perfect fairness and uprightness of those functionaries, but it so happens that their decisions have tended to impress the tenants with the belief that the law was framed in the interests of the landlords. Again, the Land Commission, which is constituted a Court of Final Appeal from the decisions of the Chairman, is composed of three persons, described in the Bill as A.B., C.D., and E.F., one of whom is to be a Judge of the Supreme Court. But as the salary attached to the office is only two thousand pounds, it is manifestly the intention of the Government that the judicial member of the Commission shall continue to hold office in his former capacity. If the Land Commission is to be anything more than a dignified nonentity we do not see how any of its members can discharge other functions. Considering the vast and unrestrained powers that are vested in this body, powers involving an adjudication on the rights of all the landowners and tenants in Ireland, it is of the highest importance that their character and position should be such as to furnish a guarantee, not only for impartiality, but also for the highest administrative and judical capacity. These Commissioners hold their appointments at the pleasure of the Crown, and are removable without compensation or retiring allowance. A considerable part of the actual work of the Commission, will, no doubt, be performed by the Assistant Commissioners, whose appointment by the Lord Lieutenant the Bill contemplates; and as all the powers of the Commissioners, without limit or qualification, may be delegated to a single Assistant Commissioner, it is too apparent that the Bill is open here to the grave charge of entrusting the most delicate and difficult functions to a tribe of underpaid, and consequently inefficient, functionaries.

We must now conclude our criticisms on this important

measure.

Our readers will understand that, while we deplore the unnecessarily cumbrous form in which it has been cast, we find in its substantive proposals much that is calculated to improve the relations of landlords and tenants in Ireland. Its central position, that an independent tribunal should be charged with the revision of rent is of cardinal importance, and recognizes one of the unhappy necessities of Irish land tenure. Its treatment of the other F's is not so satisfactory. The attempts to create, in various ways, fixity of tenure, are complicated and highly artificial; while the clause dealing with free sale is so mutilated by conditions and provisoes that it can be expected to do little more inaugurate a new era of struggle and strife.

The prospects of the measure becoming law are, as we write, still somewhat remote. More than two months have elapsed since it was introduced, and almost every Government night has been occupied with its discussion. In spite, however, of the energy with which it has been pushed forward, the Committee is still engaged on the first Clause of the Bill; and when the House adjourned for Whitsuntide, after thirteen sittings devoted to the Bill, only six lines had been considered in Committee. Upwards of fifteen hundred Amendments, were, shortly after the second reading of the Bill, placed on the paper, of which only an inconsiderable number have as yet been disposed of; and unless some practical mode of sifting the chaff from the grain is discovered, the time that will be consumed in their discussion will be almost interminable. Mr. Gladstone has already thrown out a significant hint that under certain circumstances it may be necessary to propose urgency"; but it is difficult to see how this dictatorial policy could be adopted. in the case of a complicated measure like this, every line of which requires the most careful consideration, without infringing the rights of Parliamentary discussion. The hint, however, has not been thrown away, and already the Liberal members have met and filtered down their amendments, with the result of relieving the paper of at least one hundred; and there can be little doubt that it will also have a salutary tendency towards checking loquacity and incipient obstruction.

There is only one thing certain, that the Government are pledged to their Bill, and will adopt any legitimate means to force it through all its stages. We trust, in the interests of all parties, that no factious opposition may arise in the course of the discussion to impede its progress; for it is now clear to all impartial minds, that the sooner a fair and equitable adjustment of the Land Question is arrived at, the better chance there will be of a restoration of peace and goodwill among all classes in Ireland.

Notices of Catholic Continental Periodicals.

THE

GERMAN PERIODICALS.

By Dr. BELLESHEIM, of Cologne.

1. The Katholik.

HE March issue of the Katholik contains a very able exposition, contributed by Professor Bautz, of Münster University, on Luke xxii. 43, "apparuit angelus confortans eum." In the same issue I commented on the pamphlet published in January, 1881, at Rome, by Cardinal Zigliara, "Il Dimittatur e la spiegazione datane dalla Congregazione dell' Indice pel Cardinale Tommaso Maria Zigliara, dell' Ordine dei Predicatori." It is generally known that the Congregation of the Index, when some works of the learned Abbate Rosmini were submitted to its examination, gave the decision "dimittantur." Rosmini is an eminent writer, whose philosophical system is still largely supported in Italy. The decision of the Congregation originated a bitter strife amongst Catholic philosophers in Italy. The meaning of the word, "dimittantur," some contended, was as much as a testimony or a "passport" of orthodoxy; whilst others interpreted it as only a permission given for a certain time, but which, in other circumstances, might be withdrawn. A year ago, June 21, 1881, the Congregation solemnly declared the sense of the word "dimittatur" to be, "opus quod dimittitur, non prohiberi." Cardinal Zigliara, who is a learned theologian and acute philosopher, displays much knowledge of theology, history, and canon law in establishing this explanation of the holy Congregation. He begins by explaining the various form of approbation given by the Church to Catholic books; such approbation is either definitive, or elective, or permissive. A "definitive" approbation is stamped with a dogmatical character; once bestowed on a book, it cannot be withdrawn. The "elective" approbation means that the Church chooses a book, or a sentence, in preference to another one. It does not give dogmatical authority to a theological work; it is based on the knowledge which the authorities in the Church possess, "hic et nunc." This approbation is far more than a simple permission. Nevertheless, as our author appropriately points out, it does not exceed the limits of what is more or less likely. Hence, it might happen that a sentence held to be only probable, might, by a process of development, come to be held as certain, and obtain from the Church a definitive approbation; whilst, on the other hand, opinions less probable might eventually turn out to be erroneous, and then, although formerly permitted, would no longer be permitted by the authorities. Lastly, comes what

is styled the "permissive" approbation. It is no real approbation, as in the two former cases, since it does not contain any judgment as to whether or not errors exist in a book; it claims only a mere negative importance; the work which is permitted or dismissed is not prohibited. Cardinal Zigliara clearly shows that the "dimittatur " does not in the least imply a definitive, nor any elective approbation. The Cardinal also establishes the truth of his thesis from eccesiastical history. As early as the fifth century, Pope Gelasius pointed out the aforesaid approbations by distinguishing three sorts of books. Firstly, the books of the Bible inspired by the Holy Ghost, together with dogmatical decrees of the Popes and ecumenical councils; secondly, the works of the holy fathers; and thirdly, a class of books which he permits the faithful to read, whilst reminding them of St. Paul's words, "Omnia probate, quod bonum est tenete." A sample of the third class of books was shown in the works of Eusebius of Cæsarea. The same distinction is established by Cardinal Turrecremata in his explanation of cap. "Sancta Romana ecclesia," dist. 75. In the last part of his pamphlet our author answers two important questions, largely discussed in Italy by Rosmini's supporters and adversaries. 1. May books that have been only permitted, be reexamined and impugned by Catholic authors who are unable to agree with them? 2. May the Church withdraw the permission given in favour of a Catholic book as soon as certain weighty reasons call on her to do so? Both questions are answered in the affirmative by the Cardinal. I may also call the reader's attention to the learned work in which all questions bearing on the "Dimittatur" are exhaustively treated. Its title is "Seraphini Piccinardi, De approbatione S. Thomæ," Patavii: 1683.

2. Historisch-politische Blätter.-The March number contains a critique of the recent edition of Cardinal Contarini's correspondence from the celebrated diet of Ratisbone, 1541, published by Dr. Pastor, of Innsbruck University. We are indebted for it to the kindness of Cardinal Hergenrother, who, on being appointed keeper of the secret archives of the Holy See, admitted Dr. Pastor to the immense treasures heaped up there from all parts of the Catholic world. Contarini's correspondence, long searched for in vain, was finally found in Vol. 129 of that part of the Vatican Archives which bears the name, "Bibliotheca Pia." Of its importance no words need be said. German Protestant historians for centuries have been accustomed to claim the papal nuncio Contarini for the Protestant Reformation. It cannot be denied that Contarini, owing to his indulgent and meek character, did his utmost to bring over to the Catholic Church the champions of Protestantism sent to Ratisbone-Melancthon, Bucer, and Sturm-but it would be totally inconsistant with all historical truth to claim him for the Reformation. His orthodoxy, his zeal for the Apostolic See, as well as his kindness and forbearance towards the Church's disobedient sons, are clearly testified by the recently discovered letters dragged out from the dust of three