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TO GREGOIRE'S LETTER.

479

You must not suppose from this statement of facts that I am angry with these people. On the contrary, I pity and forgive them. And there is no great merit in this, for they are not my enemies. They only do the work they are set about by their patrons and supporters, the monarchists of America. Their object is not to injure me, 'but to destroy the effect of my republican writings.

They now publish your letter with great avidity because they think it will tend to decry my poem. It may have this effect in a small degree; but I still thank them for multiplying your publication. There is no work of yours that I do not wish to see universally read in America; and I hope soon to find in our language and in the hands of all our readers your last very curious and interesting treatise de la literature des negres. It is a work of indefatigable research, and brings to light many facts unknown in this country; where the cause of humanity is most interested in propagating that species of knowledge. I hope the manuscript copy of Mr. Warden's translation is not lost; or if it is, that he will be able to furnish our booksellers with another.

If I had renounced christianity, as your letter seems to suppose, that letter and my reflections on your life and conversation would certainly bring me back. For you judge me right when you say I am not ashamed to own myself possibly in the wrong; or in other words to confess myself a man. The gospel has surely done great good in the world; and if, as you imagine, I am indebted in any measure to that for the many excellent qualities of my wife, I owe it much indeed.

I must now terminate my letter; or I shall be obliged to turn from you to the public, with an apology for making it so long; since I must offer it to the public in my country, and trust to your sense of justice to do the same in yours and in your language, in order to give it a chance of meeting your letter in the hands of all its readers. If, thus united, they serve no other purpose, they will be at least a short lived monument of our friendship, and furnish one example of the calmness and candor with which a dispute may be conducted, even on the subject of religion. Your affectionate friend,

KALORAMA, 13th Sept. 1809.

JOEL BARLOW.

The author of the preceding letter requests those editors of public journals, who have published Gregoire's letter, to insert the answer as soon as possible. It is an act of justice due to him, and to the character of their journals, as well as to the author.

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How far the misfortunes of Burgoyne were owing to accidents beyond human control, and how far they are to be ascribed to the individual conduct and courage of the American commander, would be a useless and invidious inquiry. Reasoning on the ordinary ground, his merits were exceedingly great, and this event entitled him to a high rank among the deliverers of his country. The memory of all former misfortunes were effaced by the magnitude of this victory, and the government and people vied with each other in expressing their admiration of the conquering general. Besides the thanks of congress, the general received from the president a gold medal as a memorial of their gratitude.

Every war abounds with cases of private suffering and distress, very few of which become public, though sympathy and curiosity are powerfully excited by narratives of that kind; and the feelings of a whole nation are remarkably swayed by them. The expedition of Burgoyne was adorned by the romantic and affecting tales of Miss M'Crea, and Lady Harriet Ackland. The latter is of no further consequence in this narration, than as it reflects great credit on the politeness and humanity of general Gates; major Ackland, the husband of this lady, was wounded and made prisoner in one of the battles preceding the surrender, and his wife, in going to the hostile camp to

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attend her husband, met with a reception which proved that long converse with military scenes, had left the virtues of humanity wholly unimpaired in his bosom.*

We do not feel ourselves authorized to enter minutely into certain mysterious transactions which followed these great events, and which exhibited the melancholy prospect, not of skirmishes and battles with the common enemy, but of a war of jealousy, suspicion and recrimination, between the chief commanders of the American forces. We hardly dare venture to touch upon leading facts, and to draw any positive conclusions from them at this late period, and without that knowledge which a personal acquaintance with the parties only can confer, would be presumptuous and absurd.

The first step to these misunderstandings, which has gained historical notice appears to be an unsuccessful application to Gates by Washington, for a detachment of his troops, after the course of events had clearly established the superiority of the northern army, exclusive of this detachment, over the enemy. After the capture of Burgoyne, it was extremely difficult either by persuasion or remonstrances, to induce general Gates, who was in quarters at Albany, to believe that the dangers of the southern army warranted him in parting with any of his forces. This reluctance, however, was finally overcome by the address and perseverance of colonel Hamilton; but the previous delays were supposed by some to contribute to the success of the British arms in Jersey, and on the Delaware. It is proper to observe, however, that these delays partly arose from the matinous spirit of the troops intended to be draughted from the north.

The exigencies of the American troops, in the rigorous winter of seventeen hundred and seventy-seven, for provisions, led to a very singular contest between the civil and military power, in which the former recommended violence and cruelty, and the latter was the advocate of mildness and justice. Congress commanded the wants of the army to be supplied by a species of military execution. The general was insurmountably averse to any mode but fair purchase. The commander, since the acquisition of the colonial metropolis, by Howe, refused to adopt offensive measures. A strong party in congress, and

* The adventures of this lady have been made the theme of a long poem by Mrs. Morton of Boston. Her theory is very pleasing, and her verses have considerable merit, but whether the heroism of lady Ackland ought to be considered as exemplifying the influence of what is called a fashionable and luxurious education, or as forming a singular exception to the natural and ordinary effects of such an education, may be questioned by some.

a large one among the people, highly disapproved of his forbearance. The brilliant exploits of Gates, in the north, naturally presented him as a suitable successor to the commander in chief. Thus far we may venture to go, but we are not justified in assigning the degree of influence which personal animosity or ambition possessed over the feelings or conduct of general Gates on this occasion: how far the project of exalting him to the chief command originated with, or was promoted by himself; and if this were in any degree the case, how far upright or questionable means were employed for this end, we decide not. The regard due to the reputation of both those illustrious men, requires a nearer and nicer scrutiny to qualify any one for a judge in this case, than is possible for any one now living to make.* We hardly need to add that no change was effected, and that henceforward the popularity of Washington continued to increase.

It is well known that success does not always prove the wisdom of military plans, nor their failure always evidence their folly. Had Washington on that occasion been superseded by Gates-had Philadelphia been stormed, and Cornwallis and his army made prisonerswe should have escaped the miseries of three or four years' war. The promotion of Gates would have been universally applauded, and his glory in a great measure have supplanted that of Washington. Yet this event might have flowed from an unforeseen and momentary accident. Offensive measures at that season might not have deserved success. To all those who reason justly from the experience of the past, they might appear rash and inexpedient. Yet as a large party in congress and among the people, disapproved of Washington's forbearance, his successor would have appeared to owe his success to his superior valour and conduct. Fortunately, however, perhaps, Gates was denied an opportunity of trying his own plans. For the same accident which sometimes gives success to a rash measure, quite as often frustrates a prudent one ; and failure would have been as readily admitted by the people a sufficient proof of his temerity as success of his foresight. Gates was placed at the head of the board of war, a post of trust and dignity scarcely inferior to that of commander in chief. His influence was immediately felt by the numerous class of the disaffected

A good deal is said on this subject by Marshall, in his third volume, to which we gladly refer the reader for further, though certainly not for complete information, on this subject. An impartial mind will ever find such topics exceedingly embarrassing, and the very glory of Washington will inspire Candor with new caution, lest its lustre should mislead into injustice owards another.

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