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PLUTARCH Empedocles: in the composition of the blood.

'Others in the membrane of the pericardium: and others in the diaphragm. Some of the more recent philosophers say that it reaches through from the head to the diaphragm.

'Pythagoras: the vital power is around the heart; but the rational and intelligent faculty in the region of the head,'

So far, then, as to their opinions on these matters. Do you not think therefore that with judgement and reason we have justly kept aloof from the unprofitable and erroneous and vain labour of them all, and do not busy ourd selves at all about the said subjects (for we do not see the utility of them, nor any tendency to benefit and gain good for mankind), but cling solely to piety towards God the creator of all things, and by a life of temperance, and all godly behaviour according to virtue, strive to live in a manner pleasing to Him who is God over all?

But if even you from malice and envy hesitate to admit our true testimony, you shall be again anticipated by Socrates, the wisest of all Greeks, who has truthfully declared his votes in our favour. Those meteorological babblers, for instance, he used to expose in their folly, and say that they were no better than madmen, expressly p. 853 convicting them not merely of striving after things unattainable, but also of wasting time about things useless and unprofitable to man's life. And this shall be testified to you by our former witness Xenophon, one of the bestknown of the companions of Socrates, who writes as follows in his Memorabilia:

PHON

CHAPTER LXII

XENO- C. No one ever yet saw Socrates do or heard him say anything impious or unholy. For he did not discourse about the nature of the universe or the other subjects, like most of them, speculating upon the condition of the cosmos, as the Sophists call it, and by what forces of necessity the celestial phenomena severally are

853 o Xenophon, Memorabilia of Socrates, I. 1. II

produced: rather he used to expose the foolishness of those who XENOPHON troubled themselves about such things.

'And the first point he used to consider in regard to them was, d whether they go on to study such matters, because they think that they have already an adequate knowledge of human affairs, or deem that they are doing their proper work in neglecting human interests and speculating on the divine.

'And he used to wonder that they did not clearly see that it is impossible for men to discover these things, since even those who pride themselves most highly on the discussion of these matters do not agree in opinion with each other, but are just like madmen in their mutual feelings.

For as among madmen some have no fear even of things fearful, while others are afraid where no fear is; so some of these think it no shame to say or do anything and everything even in a crowd, while others think it not right even to go out among men: and some honour neither temple, p. 854 nor altar, nor anything else belonging to the gods, while others worship any casual stocks and stones and wild beasts. Also of those who study anxiously the nature of the universe some think that "being" is only one, others that it is infinite in multitude: some too think that all things are in perpetual motion, and others that nothing can ever be moved and some that all things are being generated and perishing, but others that nothing could ever be generated or perish.

'He also used to ask the following questions about them: whereas those who study human affairs think that whatever they have learned they will be able to practise both for themselves b and for whomsoever they may wish, do those who search after things divine think in like manner that when they know by what forces of necessity phenomena are severally produced, they will be able whenever they please to make winds and rains and seasons, and whatever else of this kind they may need? Or, without even hoping for anything of this sort, are they satisfied merely to know how such phenomena are severally produced?

'Such, then, was the nature of his remarks about those who busied themselves with these matters: but he himself was always discoursing of human interests, inquiring what was pious, what c

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impious; what noble, what base; what just, what unjust; what sanity, what madness.'

These, then, were the opinions of Socrates. And next after him Aristippus of Cyrene, and then later Ariston of Chios, undertook to maintain that morals were the only proper subject of philosophy; for these inquiries were practicable and useful, but the discussions about nature were quite the contrary, neither being comprehensible, nor having any use, even if they were clearly understood. For it would be no advantage to us, not even if soaring higher in the air than Perseus,

'O'er ocean's wave, and o'er the Pleiades,' we could with our very eyes survey the whole world, and the nature of all 'beings,' of whatever kind that is.

For we certainly shall not be on that account wiser, or more just or brave or temperate, nay, not even strong, or beautiful, or rich, without which advantages happiness is impossible.

Wherefore Socrates was right in saying that of existing things some are above us, and others nothing to us: for the secrets of nature are above us, and the conditions after death nothing to us, but the affairs of human life alone concern us.

p. 855 And thus, he said, he also dismissed the physical theories of Anaxagoras and Archelaus, and studied only

'Whate'er of good or ill our homes have known.'

And he thought besides that their physical discussions were not merely difficult and even impossible, but also impious and opposed to the laws. For some maintained that gods do not exist at all, and others, that the Infinite, or Being, or the One, are gods, and anything rather than those who are generally acknowledged.

Their dissension again, he said, was very great: for b some represented the All as infinite, and others as finite;

855 a 3 Homer, Od. iv. 393

and some maintained that all things are in motion, and others that nothing at all moves.

Moreover the following words of Timon of Phlius in his Silli seem to me the best of all on these very subjects:

'Say then, who urged them to the fatal strife?

Echo's attendant rout: who filled with wrath
Against the silent, sont upon mankind

A fell disease of talk, and many died.'

Do you see how at last these noble sages scoff at each c other? For instance, the same author, besides what I have quoted, describes their mutual jealousy and their battles and quarrels in the following style:

'There baneful Discord stalks with senseless shriek,

Of murderous Strife the sister and ally,

Who, blindly stumbling round, anon her head,

With ponderous weight set firm, uplifts to hope.'

Since, however, we have now exhibited the dissension and fighting of these sages among themselves, and since the wholly superfluous, and unintelligible, and to us utterly unnecessary study and learning of all the other subjects in which the tribes of philosophers still take pride, have been refuted not by our demonstrations but by their own; nay more, since we have also plainly set forth the reason why we have rejected their doctrines and preferred the Hebrew oracles, let us at this point conclude our treatise on The Preparation for the Gospel ; p. 856 but the more complete treatise on The Demonstration of the Gospel it now remains for us to consider from a different basis of argument, which the question still needs for those who are to deal with its teaching.

It remains, therefore, to make answer to those of the circumcision who find fault with us, as to why we, being foreigners and aliens, make use of their books, which, as they would say, do not belong to us at all; or why, if we gladly accept their oracles, we do not also render our life conformable to their law.

b 6 Timon, Fr. 9 (Mullaoh I. p. 84); cf. Clem. Alex., Strom. V. 335 Sylb., Homer, Il. i. 8-10 5. Timon, Fr. 5; cf. Homer, IL iv. 440-3

INDEX

Aaron 433 d, 434 c, 439 d.
Abae, temple burnt, vid. Phaÿllus
892 d.

Abaris, or Avaris, in Egypt 501 b.
Abel, sorrow' 518 b.

Abelbalus, king of Berytus 31 a,
485 b.

Abgarus, king of Osroëne 279 d.
Abraham, praised 309 c, d; re-
ceives circumcision 309, 310;
mentioned by Berosus, Heca
taeus, and Nicolaus Damascenus
417; taught Egyptians arith-
metic and astrology 418 a, 419 a,
420 c; mentioned by Polyhistor
and Eupolemus 418 c; taught
Phoenicians 418 d;

name,

'Father's Friend' 420 d; 505
years before Moses 484 d; deri
vation of name 518 c; mentioned
by Orpheus 665 c.

Abydenus, mentions the flood
414 d; tower of Babel 416 b;
Nebuchadnezzar 456 d; Nebu-
chadnezzar founder of Babylon
457 b; Babylon taken by Cyrus
457 c.

Abydos, 'the mystery' 198 a.
Academics, succession of 726 b;
dissent from Plato 732 b.
Academy, first, Plato 726 a; di-
vision by Speusippus, Xenocrates,
Polemo 726 b, c, 727 b.
Academy, second, Arcesilaus
727 c; third, Carneades and
Cleitomachus 726 d; fourth,
Philo, Charmidas 726 d; fifth,
Antiochus 727 a.

Achelous, pure water' 111 d.
Acheron 670 a.
Acracanus, branch of Euphrates

457 c.
Acusilaus, mentioned 415 d, 488b;
founder of Greek history 478 b;

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Adrasteia, the Inevitable' 818 a.
Adrastus, son of Talaus 238 c.

Adrian, vid. Hadrian.

of Epithersis

Aeacus, his prayer 463 b, c; judge
of the dead 579 d.
Aemilianus, son
Aenesidemus of Alexandria 758 d,
206 c, 207 b.
763 d ; Ὑποτύπωσις 760 b ; Στοι
χειώσεις 761 b.

Aeon and Protogonos, Phoenician
deities 34 b.
Aepytus 221 d.

Aeschines, Socratic philosopher
Aeschines, orator 462 c.
744 d.

Aeschylus, form and power of god
681 b, 689 b; verses criticized
by Plato 643 c, 647 a.
Aesculapius, the sun (Porphyry)
112 c; not the sun 120 b, 121 a;
killed by lightning 121 a; son
of Apollo and Coronis 57 a;
born at Tricca 124 a; Asclepiadae
Aethiopians, vid. Ethiopians.
121 a; son of Sydycus 37 d.
Africa, called from Afren, son of
Abraham 422 a, b.

Africanus, his Chronology 487 d–.
491 b.

Agamemnon, Plato's derivation
518 a.

Agathocles of Syracuse, his s80-
phism 783 c.

920

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