of John Fitzgerald Kennedy. He has carved in the tablets of American history inspiring challenges to all Americans who come after him to strengthen and preserve our system of representative self-government.

His insight and foresight in respect to the obligations of citizen-statesmanship which are the responsibilities of all Americans who come after him will also be a perpetual flame that will burn throughout history in the hearts of our people.

Of all the monuments that will be erected to his memory, none can ever be as symbolic of his statesmanship as his eloquent, literary writings which record for all time his political philosophy which was so in keeping with Jefferson who wrote the Declaration of Independence, and with Lincoln who penned the Emancipation Proclamation and emblazoned in American history the Gettysburg Address.

As we sat in St. Matthew's Cathedral on that sad November 25, 1963, there was placed in our hands a small memorial card containing on one side a cherished picture of the President and on the other, three short paragraphs of quotations of challenges to the American people selected from his historic inaugural address. I would let every American citizen honor the memory of John Fitzgerald Kennedy by way of rededication to the challenges of citizen-statesmanship called for in these three noble paragraphs:

Now the trumpet summons us again-not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need—not as a call to battle, though embattled we are-but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, “rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation”—a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself •

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility-I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it—and the glow from that fire can truly light the world *

With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

It is now up to the American people of his generation and future generations to keep faith

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with our obligations of citizen-statesmanship. We owe it to our country to ascend to the heights of President Kennedy's idealism and statesmanship and thereby prove to ourselves and the world that this great man did not live and die in vain.

ADDRESS BY

Hon. James B. Pearson

OF KANSAS

Mr. President, many Senators who have spoken today in memory of President John F. Kennedy do so as former colleagues in the Congress and as personal friends. I did not have an opportunity for such friendship. Thus my own concept and memory of the man and his work perhaps is more closely associated with that of the general public than as a Member of the Senate.

My first thought is that it is well, in a sense, that some time has passed between the date of death and this solemn occasion. The full meaning of John Kennedy's life and work was difficult to comprehend in the period of shock caused by the tragic manner of death—assassination. While all of us sought some facility to believe the unbelievable, it was difficult to put the life of the President, his impact upon our Government, and his relationship with the people, in sensible perspective.

But now we are slowly beginning to understand that it is not how long but how well one lives that counts. It is not how one dies but how one lives that has meaning.

I have often thought that the height of a man's achievement during his life ought to be measured not only by his final position of accomplishment but also by his point of beginning with due consideration for the obstacles which the uncertainties of the times place in his path. So measured, President Kennedy's life was one of great achievement.

Many others today have spoken of his courage, his intellect, his love of family and life, his appetite for work, his appreciation of good values, his sense of history, and his dedication to the

American way of life, and our system of government. These traits of character and mind he

did possess.

But combined with these, I detected a capacity for sustained effort, a consistency of application of all those talents and abilities described so ably by my colleagues. Was this not his finest trait of all?

Many across the Nation have now been seeking in his deeds and words the element in his philosophy, religion, life, work, or ambition which gave him the unity of purpose and the strength required to do what he did. I would suggest that perhaps it was the admonition repeated so often by his fellow townsman, Justice Holmes, who told us all: "Have faith and seek the unknown end."

ADDRESS BY

Hon. Howard W. Cannon

OF NEVADA

Mr. President, nearly 3 weeks have passed since the death of President John Fitzgerald Kennedy, and the Nation has not yet fully recovered from the horror and indignation which grew from the most heinous crime of the century.

In almost every State in the Nation, and, indeed, in the National Capital, Americans are demonstrating their profound sense of loss. through the renaming of schools, streets, airports, and other memorials.

Certainly, the fact that a brilliant young President, for altogether too brief a period, led this Nation and gave all Americans a glimpse of the promises of freedom for years ahead should not be erased from our memory. We should properly preserve his memory for as long as this Nation endures.

My thoughts today dwell on the invisible, yet powerful, memorials which could be erected to the great leader who has been taken from us. We will be a greater nation, and his legacy will be more towering than any edifice of steel and concrete if John F. Kennedy is enshrined in the national conscience as a martyr who gave his life

in the enduring battle against hatred, bigotry, and intolerance.

Surely, these insidious forces guided the quick and brutal hand that struck down the 35th PresiIdent of the United States.

The greatest memorial that we can give to President Kennedy is to rid ourselves, as a nation, of the fanaticism and insane rage-turned inward-which made this tragedy possible. I cannot escape the conviction that such a living memorial in the hearts of his countrymen would have been most earnestly desired by our late President.

Our Nation is made up of Americans from divergent geographical areas whose regional motives and national origins are more diverse than any other country in the world. Ours is a young nation striving, in a real sense, to find itself. Our national goals and our heritage can never be fully achieved unless we are tolerant of the views and beliefs of our neighbors. We cannot afford to set ourselves upon the Devil's work of national distrust, accusations, and suspicions of our neighbors.

These, I firmly believe, are the lessons of Dallas. We already have suffered an irreparable loss. Yet, how tragically compounded that loss would be if we lost sight of the true meaning and true cause of this tragedy.

In terms of Americanism, humanity, compassion, and decency, John F. Kennedy has left this Nation a great legacy. We are now at a turning point. Will we accept his legacy and rid ourselves of the poison which infects the national bloodstream? Will we turn from hatred and dedicate ourselves anew to the challenges-not the recrimination-that lie before us now? These are questions for each and every American to ask himself.

If these questions are answered in the affirmat tive; if this Nation rejects hatred and fanaticism in all forms, the greatest memorial man is capable of constructing will be erected and John Fitzgerald Kennedy will not have died in vain.

On behalf of myself and Mrs. Cannon, and of the people of the State of Nevada whom I represent, I extend our deepest sympathy to Mrs. Kennedy and her children and to the entire Kennedy family.

ADDRESS BY

Hon. Robert C. Byrd

OF WEST VIRGINIA

Mr. President, the United States of America has lost a gallant leader; West Virginia has lost a trusted friend. It is no secret that John F. Kennedy held the State of West Virginia closest to his heart, after his own native State of Massachusetts. The path that led him to the highest office in the land can be said to have begun for John F. Kennedy in the coalpits of West Virginia, into which he plunged boldly, as he plunged into all his undertakings, in order to acquaint himself at firsthand with the problems of our people.

John F. Kennedy won our hearts because of his unmistakable sincerity and his determination that the way of life which we in the Mountain State cherish must not be allowed to fall into neglect or suffer needlessly from the growing pains of a swiftly changing economy. His unshaken optimism ignited our own hopes, and his calm confidence in the ability of reasonable men to cope successfully with all human crises strengthened our own resolution embodied in our motto, "Mountaineers are always free."

John F. Kennedy reaffirmed our belief in the American way as the way in which life can be lived bravely, nobly, and in the face of a thousand dangers, heroically. He had no patience with mediocrity, no ear for the prophets of doom, no concern with the raucous outcries of the radical right or left which sought to turn aside this Nation from its destiny as the world leader of freemen, committed to the unavoidable challenge of enlarging the scope of human freedom at home and abroad.

We in West Virginia could feel at home with John F. Kennedy because we were keenly aware of his deep and essential sympathy with all men. We were drawn and held to him by the bonds that unite freemen everywhere, the bonds of the spirit. He asked for our support and help, and we gave it. He promised us that he would give himself to the task at hand with vigor, without reservation, without hesitation. No man can say that he did less.

midst. Now he has become a legend in our land, a memory in our thoughts, a sadness in our hearts. Historians will etch his portrait with words upon the everlasting stone of time. And the calendar of life will move on.

But for us in West Virginia the shadow of John F. Kennedy will linger awhile, like the afterglow of a sunset on our mountain slopes. In West Virginia we will remember John F. Kennedy as a child might remember a special Christmas joy, as a young man might remember an ambitious dream, as an older man might remember a glorious field of battle. For he enkindled amongst us all these things: joyful hope, noble ambition, and a sense of honor. We are truly grateful.

Now the period of mourning is drawing to a close, and the happy season of Christmas will be upon us. In the broad ellipse at the foot of the Washington Monument there stands a 75foot Christmas tree sent from the mountain forests of West Virginia. I like to think that this tree is symbolic of the place that John F. Kennedy will keep in our hearts, a place forever green and bright with the joy of the spirit.

ADDRESS BY

Hon. Frank Church

OF IDAHO

Mr. President, each of us tends to remember, in a personal fashion, the cataclysmic occasions of a lifetime. Why else is the question so commonly asked, "Where were you on Pearl Harbor Day? or V-day? or the day F.D.R. died?"

In such a fashion, each of us will remember the 22d of November 1963. Each person has indelibly imprinted in his own mind where he was, and what he was engaged in doing, when the dread news flashed that John F. Kennedy had been struck down on the streets of Dallas, by an infamous assassin.

I was at a luncheon in the State Department in honor of Senator Manglapus, of the Philippine Islands. Our host was Assistant Secretary Roger Hilsman. By strange coincidence, I was engaged in a conversation with Averell Harriman about the danger of extremism in American politics, when an attendant whispered that I had an emer

gency call from my office. I excused myself, placed the call back from an adjoining room, encountered difficulty with "busy signals" at the Capitol, wondered why the wires were so crowded, and then, suddenly, I was listening to the choked voice of my press secretary, Porter Ward, saying, "The President has been shot in Texas. He is believed to be either dead or dying."

The rest is a dazed memory of rushing back into the dining room to convey the sickening news. I recall how the table turned to turmoil, how the air was suddenly filled with urgent questions and protests of disbelief, how the faces in the room were pale and shaken.

Then, in the company of my colleague, John Sparkman, I remember our hurried departure and return to the Senate, where we prayed for the life of our stricken President, not knowing he was already dead.

If each of us retains a memory of that black day in terms of a personal involvement, it is not because we would blur the day with a trivial recollection, but because no one of us can fully comprehend the magnitude of our common loss. So it is that we bear our grief, as individuals. It was often said of me that I was a “Kennedy man," a nameplate I proudly acknowledged while he lived, and one that I shall cherish now that he is dead. I took joy in his friendship, and I think I will not know his equal again. Though words are clumsy to express one's feelings, I tried to capsule my reaction to the President's martyrdom in a short tribute which I delivered at memorial services held for him at the River Road Unitarian Church in Bethesda, Md., on Sunday, November 24. I ask that these remarks appear here as follows:

It is not my purpose or place to deliver the sermon this morning. That is properly a service for your own pastor to perform. It is, rather, my purpose to say a few words in tribute to our fallen President.

I hope you will understand if I speak of him in somewhat personal terms, for this is the way I shall remember him.

He was my friend. I loved and honored him. I was proud for my country that he was our President.

John Fitzgerald Kennedy was one of those rare human beings about whom it could be truly said: "The elements so mix'd in him that Nature might stand up and say to all the world 'This was a man.'"

He was as handsome as a storied prince; his wife, Jacqueline, as fair as any princess of song or legend.

With his encouragement, she made the White House a place of impeccable beauty, where occasions of state were conducted in the style, and with a graciousness and gaiety that befits a great nation. Whenever I was present on these occasions, I never failed to marvel at the President's composure. His dignity was natural to him, and his friendliness always set his guests at ease. How unprepared they were to discover in him that endearing quality of self-effacement, which he often revealed through some lighthearted witticism, but which invariably disclosed his underlying humility. Once, in a toast to the King of Afghanistan, I recall how he explained why the Constitution limited the President to 8 years in office. The amendment had been adopted, he said, partly out of consideration for the well-being of the President, but mainly, he added with a smile, out of consideration for the well-being of the country.

Many of you will remember the celebrated comment he made to that illustrious company of Nobel Prize winners who came to dine with him at the White House. Never, he remarked, has so much talent been gathered at one time under this roof, since Thomas Jefferson used to dine here alone.

Such was the brilliance of the social life which John and Jacqueline Kennedy brought to the Presidential mansion. But more important was the kind of family life they implanted there. Somehow they managed to make that big house a home. Along with other playmates, their daughter, Caroline, and their little son, whom the President liked to call John-John, used to gather in the play yard, within easy view of their daddy's office. He was seldom too busy to be interrupted by them; he refused to permit the heavy burdens of his office to usurp his family function as a loving father. The personal attention he gave to his children, and to the needs of his grief-stricken wife, when their infant son, Patrick, died soon after birth a few months ago; the tender pictures of John-John on the south lawn awaiting his father's arrival by helicopter, or crawling through the trapdoor in his father's desk, while the President was sitting there absorbed with his evening's work; the familiar sight of Caroline clutching her father's hand as he led the family into church on a Sunday morning-all combined to present to the country the finest example of a devout and affectionate family, setting a moral standard of the highest order.

The many attributes that made John F. Kennedy such an exceptional person cannot be compressed into the short tribute I pay him this morning. Well known was his bravery in battle; his literary talents which won for him the Pulitzer Prize; the fortitude with which he bore the pain in his injured back; the ceaseless energy with which he pursued his quest for self-fulfillment through 17 years of honorable service in the House of Representatives, the Senate, and finally, the White House itself.

History will judge his greatness as a President, but already it is clear that he will be remembered for the strength of his statesmanship which saw us through the dread missile crisis in Cuba a year ago, when the world trembled on the brink of thermonuclear war. And he will be remembered too for the initiative he brought to the search for peace-for the first step along that road he

made possible through the nuclear test ban treaty. Not since Lincoln has any President been so deeply committed to the cause of equal treatment for all Americans.

The tragedy of his death is heightened because it came so cruelly at the prime of his extraordinary life. It came as he was grappling with the gigantic problems of our times with the skill and courage of a young David-only to be struck down by an assassin in his own country, in a foul and cowardly murder which crosses us all with shame.

Once, when he faced a crucial primary test, in that long, arduous trek he made toward the Presidency, I asked him whether he believed in prayer. He said he did, and he seemed genuinely moved when I told him I would pray for him. Now, I think, he would want us all to pray for our new President, in faith that a national revulsion against every kind of fanaticism will wash the land clean, so that the hand of Lyndon B. Johnson may be upheld by the councils of reason and decency against the councils of ignorance, bigotry, and hate.

May God preserve this Republic and keep her sensible, strong and free.

Mr. President, it is too soon to pass judgment upon the Presidency of John F. Kennedy. But we sense that he will loom large, more so than we fully realized while he still lived. Time alone can give us a more definitive measurement.

Even now, there are those who are trying to judge his stature by examining his accomplishments in office. If this is where we should look, it still remains for future events to place his achievements as President in proper perspective. I am inclined to believe-though tomorrow could easily prove me wrong—that of the work he finished, during his brief tenure, the nuclear weapons test ban treaty will stand out above all other accomplishments. For it may well turn out to be the first benchmark on the path to peace. During the Senate debate on ratification of the test ban treaty, I attempted to recount the earlier failures to obtain agreement, and to point up the stalwart role of our late President during the Cuban missile crisis, which, in my opinion, brought about the agreement. The words I used then somehow seem appropriate now, so I ask that the pertinent paragraphs from that address be reprinted at this point.

All of us know the sorry story of how the stalemated negotiations for a comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty ended in dismal failure; we recall how the Soviet Union, after quiet preparations, suddenly resumed testing on a most extensive scale, forcing the United States to do likewise. We remember too how the testing was accompanied by a new round of bellicose speechmaking in the Soviet Union, coupled with a hardening of Russian atti

tudes on every cold war front. And we shall never forget how the era culminated in a daring thrust by Khrushchev to install missile bases in Cuba, at our very doorstep. In this reckless gambit, Khrushchev in effect was asking: "If her vital interests are challenged, is the United States really willing to risk all in a nuclear war? President Kennedy's response, coming swift and sure, gave Khrushchev his answer. The world watched breathlessly as Kennedy ordered the Navy to turn back Russian ships on the high seas, even as he laid down his ultimatum that the Cuban bases must be dismantled and the Russian missiles withdrawn. Khrushchev had his answer, and he backed away under circumstances which surely inflicted the most serious reversal on the Communist cause since the end of the Second War.

I suppose Khrushchev's question had to be askedand answered-somewhere, sometime, if a turning point in the nuclear arms race was ever to be reached. The Russians had to know whether, in a showdown situation, we actually stood ready to suffer a full-scale nuclear exchange-whether, in effect, we would sooner choose to be dead than Red. Had Kennedy allowed the Russian missile bases to remain in Cuba, then Khrushchev would have known that he could win his points, one by one, through the threat of nuclear war-that he could bluff his way to world dominion. Under such circumstances, the Russian nuclear arsenal would have had utility, after all, in advancing the objectives of Soviet foreign policy. The Russians would doubtlessly have then intensified the nuclear arms race, and we would have no test ban treaty before us today.

So the tense and terrifying days of last October may well be recorded by historians of the future as a time of destiny for the whole human race, when the fortitude of an American President won for us another chance to harness the nuclear monster, or, as Kennedy himself has put it, to stuff the genie back in the bottle, while there is still time.

Mr. President, I am not so sure, however, that we should try to measure John F. Kennedy by the work he finished, or by the degree he did, or did not, succeed in securing the enactment of his stated program. Lincoln is not remembered for the legislation he put through Congress, but for the inspiration of his leadership.

So it will be of Kennedy. What a rich literature he left us. For generations to come, when others cannot find the words that will do justice to our goals, his words will be quoted; when others falter under the burden of their duty, his example will strengthen their resolve. In less than 3 years as President, it was Kennedy, the man, who lifted the hearts of the humble, who exacted the respect of the prominent and powerful, whether friend or foe, and who fired the hopes of all who would be free.

Every land felt the force of him, and when he