President Lyndon B. Johnson has been unexpectedly charged with a responsibility of great magnitude, but there is welcome evidence that he is prepared for the task. One of his most challenging legacies is the problem of racial justice and peace. That he intends to follow in the footsteps of his predecessor on this issue was made manifest by the then Vice President at Gettysburg on last Memorial Day where he declared at the close of an address marking the centennial of Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation: "Until justice is blind to color, until education is unaware of race, until opportunity is unconcerned with the color of men's skins, emancipation will be a proclamation but not a fact. To the extent that the proclamation of emancipation is not fulfilled in fact, to that extent we shall have fallen short of assuring freedom to the free."

Our new President will surely need the help of the Almighty in the solution of this and a host of other vexing problems. He will also need the assistance of a people under God united in labor for holy and righteous causes. And so this day, in honor and memory of "a great and good man" we offer our prayers of thanksgiving, of intercession, of penitence, and of petition for divine guidance. Yet may we know that after our prayers are answered and the divine guidance has been given we cannot escape the awesome fact set forth by President John Fitzgerald Kennedy in his inaugural address: "Here on earth God's work must truly be our own."

ADDRESS BY

Hon. Milton W. Glenn

OF NEW JERSEY

Mr. Speaker, it seems to me that on this day set aside for tributes to our late President, John Fitzgerald Kennedy, it would be appropriate to hear from those in my constituency, the Second District of New Jersey, through editorials and otherwise, as to the great loss which our Nation has suffered. It is, therefore, with considerable respect that I submit the following editorial which appeared in the Atlantic City Reporter and which has been so well written by its publisher and editor, Charles E. Seel. It certainly indicates how many of my constituents feel about the awesome tragedy which occurred on November 22.

THE DAY THE WORLD STOOD STILL

(By Charles E. Seel)

It has been a week since-and still the Nation mourns. We look back in retrospect at this intolerable tragedy. "Friday, 2 p.m., November 22, 1963."

The shocking report that spread like the proverbial wildfire "The President has been shot."

All matters else paled to insignificance. Imaginations stubbornly balked at the fantastic incredible news.

"Such a thing couldn't possibly be true-not our President," was the expression of skepticism on the faces of everyone who heard and rejected it as a false rumor. All was a vague jumble of chaotic impressions. Then came the heartbreaking report that reverberated around the world: "The President is dead."

It was at this moment that it seemed as though the world had stopped rotating on its axis.

"The world stood still."

The rush and bustle of daily doings-the banterings and chuckles a short time before, echoed off into a morbid silence.

A listlessness mixed with pain, sorrow and pity per meated the atmosphere.

All public places seemed to empty as if by robot com. mand-some gathering on street corners to speak in low tones-other hurried to the sanctity of their homes-all stunned by the sudden calamity that beset our country, which we considered so powerful and guarded.

NO SADDER WORDS OF TONGUE OR PEN

The inexhaustible marathon of wordage on radio, TV, newspapers with their vivid and chronological presentation of facts and events, as all verbally marched down the road to the assassination, the capture and arrest of the charged assassin, the assassination of the assassin, and, after this, more of the infinite, endless melange of on-the-spot news coverage and now there is but little else to say. They all sit back in a comatose state of fatigue from their gloomy reveries— tired, haggard, and to say any more would suffer them to phraseological quagmire.

Newsmen, commentators, their quavering voices throbbing with sad emotion as they went about their dutiesmen to whom events of the most sensational nature is just part of a day's work, were seen, as they propounded their stories, to flick a "dewdrop" from a corner of their eye. It all started last Friday, November 22, 1963, at 2 p.m. A day of infamy that will live in the minds of our people from here to eternity.

There is a saying: "Be it grief or sorrow-the passing of time will make it less." But not this tragic deplorable day of infamy-this day is one that time shall never suppress.

The Nation wept: It wept not in the sense that a President had been assassinated. To some it was like having a family loss-an endeared and beloved child or relative. To others it was a calamitous vanishing of something unexplainable—an image or better, a symbol-a symbol of peace-of citizens' rights—a symbol of our country's power and security. Now gone.

And gone, too, is the alleged assassin.

However, to us, this is not where the story ends.

In dallying in maudlin regret and looking back at the ironic turn of events we become aghast at our country's manifestation of helplessness?

A crime, so serious, diabolical, and damnable--the ease with which it was perpetrated by an insignificant communistic "germ" with a $12 rifle? Inconceivable ab surdity? But it happened.

All the facts of why such a thing could happen are still hopelessly fogged.

The death of the assassin closes the door to many questions.

This is indeed most regrettable, for even though we all hoped with incarnate hate, that the alleged assassin would die and a most sufferable death, we believe that his murderer's quixotic impulse thwarted efforts of our FBI to learn more from Lee Harvey Oswald.

That perhaps this crime was not merely the vengeance of a bestial fanatic—but a well-planned plot of intrigue— that Oswald was only the maddened scapegoat?

Thus it all leaves us with a bewilderment of feelings. Is it a complacency on our part that makes us such easy prey to our enemies?

This may be an indelicate thought, and perhaps we will be criticized for so saying, but we are beginning to think that the great "freedoms" we so enthusiastically herald are a bit too free.

Much too free to the likes of the anti-American "Oswald," who openly declared his love for. communism and Cuba.

Much too free to a rupture-headed rabble rouser name of Lincoln Rockwell who leads a pistol-packing racehating group with headquarters a few miles from our National Capitol-and a group who call themselves

"Nazi-Americans."

"Nazi-Americans" mind you. How our law enforce ment agencies and our Government can shut their eyes, and stomachs, to the linking of such a blood-stained name as Nazi to that of America is a glaring example of how indifferent we are and to whom we grant our much. touted freedoms. Our freedoms have reached the stage where they are being vulgarized by too perpetual a-parroting. Especially so to our self-avowed enemies.

Our despair is in seeing groups of impudent, insolent, and insidious Red fanatics, parading our city streets, and waving anti-American slogans and challenging the frustrated police to arrest them, with claims that our Constitution gives them the right of freedom of speech.

Their Communist leaders must chuckle as they rule with an iron hand of oppression, and observe the weakness we display to their puppets.

Puppets did we say?

Every Red-every anti-American in this country today is a potential assassin and murderer-and yet, we grant them the freedoms of our Constitution which only right fully belong to the citizens of our country.

We will perhaps, in history and on the record, refer to our beloved President's death as an assassination.

This we reject with indignation.

We call his death murder-and in the worst degree. Out-and-out well-planned murder-premeditated-prearranged with professional integrity-and not the impetuous action of an enraged vengeful crank. We firmly believe that "Oswald" was merely a means to an end. There are hundreds like him.

With the swearing-in of the new President, Lyndon Johnson, we believe the time has come, to make the needed modifications to our many "freedoms."

We must tighten up on our loose freedoms to conform with these critical times.

We are no longer fighting Indians-and the crack in our Liberty Bell grows wider each day with laughter, as our enemies keep abusing and using our laws to further endanger our country as they destroy us from within.

When so dastardly a crime of lawlessness and violence can be so easily accomplished, on our own city streets, by such a wretched, vile, contemptible "nothing," then, unless we have all become callously deaf, we certainly can hear the "bells-of-alarm" ringing.

We no longer live in a world of melody and softness. This is an era of madness and folly, and we are faced with enemies on all sides who are aggressive, nefarious, and pathological liars; who subtly speak of negotiations and bargaining on the one hand, but deal in monotonous negations and contradictions in order to nullify and destroy.

Our patriotism and reverence for our constitutional freedoms is pleasurable and wholesome, but in this day and age it has become ponderous and unwieldy.

The paltriness of our penalties against the crimes of our enemies is humiliating. Death to a dedicated fanatic is anticipated, and for him an easy way out compared to the enormity of his crime.

"Rough-on-rats."

We've got to get tough. We must stand up on our good ol' American legs and yell t'hell with Commies--all Commies who menace the life and peace of our Nation.

Let us for a change hand out a few "bloody noses," instead of sitting by and licking our wounds, hoping that the day will arrive when our enemies will become more docile, tactful, and conciliatory. This day will never be, unless we harden our convictions into resolves.

We must begin by expelling any and all anti-Americans from our country. We must dig them out of their ratholes by the scruff of their filthy necks-and if necessary order that our police officers and security men, beatthe-living-hell-outa'-them, if they act aggressive and sullen and scream for a copy of our Constitution and their rights. Then deport them to their enslaved countries where they belong.

We say, "enough of this cacophonous, grudging, miserable squabbling. Stop all this abuse and slander-the South against the North-the left wingers and right wingers with their arrogant and overbearing claptrap. Such clamorous and wild shenanigans are playing us right into the hands of our enemies.

If we wish to survive as the greatest, freest, and most democratic nation in the world, and retain leadership over free people, we must hold all else in abeyance for the moment, and join hands with one paramount purpose in mind-to make it clear, to everyone everywhere that we are a united people, ready, willing, and able to demonstrate our strength and determination to deal, and harshly, in order to maintain world leadership and respect. Let us no longer be played the patsy-let's get tough.

We feel, and most strongly, that if we do, our great and beloved President John F. Kennedy will not have died in vain.

Mr. Speaker, in his address to the joint session. of the Congress a week ago, President Johnson declared:

Today in this moment of new resolve, I would say to my fellow Americans, let us continue.

Following the terrible tragedy which deeply shocked and saddened all Americans, we have witnessed the continuation of Government and national leadership under President Johnson which is essential to the survival of the Republic and the way of life which we cherish.

However, as the Nation recovers its composure and resumes the business which must be done, we will continue to carry in our hearts the memories and appreciation of John F. Kennedy. President Kennedy was the leader of the greatest country of the world today. It is difficult to understand how assassination could occur in a civilized and free land such as ours.

Although I was not in agreement with him at all times on his policies and political positions, he was my President, he was the President of all Americans. He was sincere and dedicated to his convictions and ideas; and he respected those who held opposing views.

Mr. Speaker, I join with the citizens of my district in mourning the death of President Kennedy. Mrs. Shriver and I have conveyed our heartfelt sympathy to Mrs. Kennedy, her children and the Kennedy family. We pray that God will bless them and our Nation.

It seems appropriate to repeat some of the words spoken in prayer by the Chaplain of the U.S. Senate shortly following the assassination of President Kennedy:

Hold us, we pray, and the people of America, calm and steady and full of faith for the Republic in this tragic hour of our history.

God save the state and empower her for whatever awaits for the great world role she has been called to fill in this time of destiny.

Mr. Speaker, our late President John F. Kennedy was a politician in the finest sense. Politics was a profession of endless fascination and highest importance to him. He laid careful plans for winning and serving in the Presidency, a position so trying that scholars have said, "No man is good enough to be President, but someone has to be."

To this profession and position of power, unmatched in the world, John Kennedy brought not only the standard requirements in good measure, but some rare additional qualities.

As stated in the Washington Evening Star: He brought gaiety, glamour, and grace to the American political scene in a measure never known before. That lightsome tread, that debonair touch that beguiling grin, that shattering understatement. He walked like a prince and he talked like a scholar. His humor brightened the life of the Republic. When finally elected, he saw no reason to hide his wit. It glinted at every press conference. His public statements were always temperate, always measured. He derided his enemies-he teased his friends. He could be grave, but not for long. When the ugliness of yesterday has been forgotten, we shall remember him smiling.

The mood following his assassination was universal. My hometown paper the Russell Daily News editorialized, "whether one was a member of Kennedy's party or shared his views was no longer important. Even his opposition respected him and the place he had earned in the world's affairs."

The Attica Independent muses:

It is indeed a sad trait of man that only after death is a person recognized for what he truly was in life his most ardent foe and his most outspoken ally, together, tell the world that he was truly a great man. Comments the Hutchinson News:

John Kennedy had a way of making America feel its greatness.

From the Norton Daily Telegram:

Nearly all Americans have come to have a lot of affection for the most youthful of American Presidents, the

man with the boyish grin who aged so fast in our service. President Kennedy had the power of leadership.

The Pratt Daily Tribune says:

Though many differed with him on the handling of some of these problems, no one could deny him the respect due him for his vigor and doggedness in facing these momentous obligations.

Kennedy was schooled in the art of government and politics. He understood an honest difference of opinion as part of the American way of life.

Over and over the comments refer to his courage. From the Advance Register, of Wichita:

No one can deny he faced the task of serving his Nation courageously, unhesitatingly, unstintingly.

The Northwestern Kansas Register makes reference to his book, "Profiles in Courage," saying:

Surely he fitted as well as any of the list of Presidents who had never failed-come what might-to take a con scientious stand.

The Glasco Sun surmises:

Why was President Kennedy killed? The reason prob. ably lies in the fact that he was one of the most courageous Presidents of our time. He fought vigorously for what he believed was right, regardless of the opposition.

The Ellsworth Reporter says:

He will be remembered as one of the most outstanding men in our history. The Nation mourns the passing of a courageous leader.

our worst. He will, I think be one of our strongest in terms of world reputation.

Outstanding are the comments about his personality. The Larned Tiller and Toiler:

John F. Kennedy brought to the office a youthful vitality, he was debonair, often radiant, but dignity and good taste were also faces of his character. He and his wife, Jacqueline, gave to the White House an intellectual and cultural atmosphere that was perhaps without precedent. He was himself a writer of distinction, and he shared with Mrs. Kennedy an appreciation of the other creative arts which she cultivated and encouraged as First Lady.

The Prairie Drummer:

John Kennedy was a President very close to the people of the United States. His wartime heroics, youthful personality-all led to immense respect from millions.

The Spearville News:

John Fitzgerald Kennedy was a man of courage, personality, power, and vast capabilities. He was young and filled with hope for peace. He loved life, he loved his country and her people and the people loved him.

The Kinsley Mercury:

As President of this country he was naturally considered a great man. And yet—what made him great came from within himself.

The Great Bend Daily Tribune:

He was not without opponents, not without critics, but beneath it all was a respect for the man because, while they opposed him and were critical, his opponents knew he was sincerely trying to do what he thought best.

The Lyons Daily News:

With the tragic event comes the stark realization that when a man is elected President of the United States he becomes an exposed human being with prestige of such eminence that it is beyond comprehension.

The Smith County Pioneer:

As this shocked Nation started to recover there came the realization and admission-even by political enemies, that here was a great statesman and probably the most cultured man who ever held the office of President.

The Western Kansas World:

Truly we can say President Kennedy gave everything a single individual could give for his country and for the freedom and peace of the world.

The Downs News:

We gather here to reaffirm our faith in the democratic processes as they oppose the tyranny that suggests, “I can kill the man with whom I disagree."

These are but a few of the highlights of the flood of editorial comments in western Kansas papers, each recognizing in some form the late President's strength in and love of politics. It is important to the individual and the country, that politics be studied with the same sense of dedica tion successful men bring to the profession of farming, teaching, law, or medicine or any other.

We live in a country-in a world-of enormous complexity. The strength of a democracy is in its enlightened electorate and the complexity of modern life makes this ideal very difficult to achieve. During such a time, the professional politician, whether you agree or disagree with what he always says or does, is important. President Kennedy was such a person. His knowledge, his brilliant mind, his continuous study of politics, were of great importance and while. many have these qualities, few have all the ingredients necessary.

His feeling of identification with people, his great interest and fondness for great crowds of humanity, his tolerance of the differences of human beings, was the wonder of John Kennedy.

The three previous Presidents assassinated shared many of the same qualities, and strangely each was slain during a period in his administration when there was peace, prosperity, and happiness. Furthermore, on the day the crime was committed, each was unusually happy, pleased with the progress, and held in great favor by the crowds who came to see them. Finally, each was slain by a person with little or no reason for the act or hope of gain once, it was accomplished.

What is done is tragically history and as the Nation mourns and all hearts go out to Mrs. Kennedy, the children, and all members of the Kennedy family, little can be said but let us recall the statement of Daniel Webster, carved in granite above the center door of the House of Representatives Press Gallery. It is a challenge to all now as it must have been to then Congressman John F. Kennedy when he first reflected upon it:

Let us develop the resources of our land, call forth its powers, build up its institutions, promote all its great interests and see whether we also in our day and generation, may not perform something worthy to be remembered.

Presidents that could be classified as an intellectual. This characteristic is evident in his literary manuscripts, his prepared speeches, as well as his extemporaneous remarks. Few other persons have I heard employ such a broad vocabulary as did the late President and have the faculty of selecting exactly the right word to accentuate the point he wished to make.

These things being said, I think it would be inappropriate not to mention my philosophical differences with the former President. As I have recited in earlier commentary, my differences with him were in principle, not in prejudice.

There is no question that his administration for only 3 brief years will leave a very critical imprint on American society. The cowardly assassination deprived his party, his country, and the world of a final judgment on what he might have contributed to mankind had his life not been taken. He shall be missed as our selected leader, as a friend and as a political adversary, but most important, it should be recorded that his disappearance from world politics will create a void that is discernible to all mankind for the present and for a time in the future.

Mr. Speaker, it is premature to attempt to evaluate the place that the late John Fitzgerald Kennedy, President of the United States, will hold in the history of this Nation or world as events are recorded by future writers. It is not too early to make several observations.

First, he was a man dedicated to public service. This was manifested through his military service in time of war and more recently in his rapid ascendancy in public office.

Further, probably few other national leaders have been as colorful as he in their own inimitable ways. No doubt this was due in part to his youth, but more particularly to his natural vivaciousness and a tremendous capacity for work. This particular capacity was not limited to John Kennedy but seems to be a common tendency through the entire Kennedy family.

History will probably record him as one of the

Mr. Speaker, certainly John Kennedy was an extraordinary man. His assassination was a body blow to our ideals of free government. It was a sharp and painful human loss, too, especially to those of us who had met and known and worked with him, if only for 3 short years, here in Washington.

The thing about President Kennedy's assassination that hurt many of us more than anything else was the cutting off of his immense aliveness. As a man, as a politician, as President, he was alive and sensitive to his world as few of us are. And people everywhere seemed to be able to understand this, even though they had never seen him in person.

His vitality came through to large numbers of people in an immediate way. For example, he came to my hometown, Lawrence, Kans., in the