He was born to wealth. He could have spent his days in idle pleasure and luxury or in the pursuit of some worthy but pleasant endeavor. Instead he chose the most difficult, the most demanding and the most burdensome of all careers-the path which led him to the Presidency of the United States and to that unforgettable November afternoon in Dallas.

From an early age he dedicated his life to the service of his country.

He was a complex man with enormous talents and capacities which he organized and developed through a tremendous exercise of self-discipline.

There was a marvelous balance and proportion in John Kennedy that was not a product of our age, but rather the result of a supreme lifetime effort to develop the qualities necessary to rise to the problems of our age.

He was thoughtful and reflective, yet he was a man of decision and action. He had great confidence and self-assurance, but there was nothing of conceit or arrogance in him. He was serious and solemn, yet he possessed a deep and rich vein of humor, which always flickered just beneath the surface and occasionally came into view, lighting up his face and warming all around him.

He was always in the center of action, yet he had the capacity to look at himself objectively and dispassionately as though from a distance.

He was a man of strong convictions, one who threw almost superhuman effort and commitment into the struggle to have his convictions prevail; but he was never intolerant of the views of others, never dogmatic, always modest in victory and philosophic in defeat. He demanded excellence of himself and made vast sacrifices to achieve it, yet he had a limitless compassion for the shortcomings of others.

fested itself not in hollow diatribes but in a total commitment of mind, spirit and body to the high purpose of making our Nation strong and secure and of making our society conform more closely to our ancient national ideals.

It is a profound tragedy to see this beloved man, this friendly man, this husband, this father, brutally cut down in the flower of his life.

It is a deeper tragedy to see a great life, a unique life, destroyed, wantonly and senselessly, in the midst of vast achievements, and on the threshold of completion of a great design for human betterment to which he had consciously dedicated and disciplined his life.

The depth of our loss can be measured in some small way by the outpouring of emotion which plunged this Nation and most of the world into grief. What cannot be measured is the full meaning of this tragedy for our country and for the causes we uphold in the world.

For in John F. Kennedy as President there was a unique joining of the man and the office. He had the intellect to perceive coolly and clearly the problems of the Nation; the ingenuity to evolve solutions to those problems; the energy to press those solutions to a conclusion; the outward charm to win the hearts of people everywhere and the inner strength to win the respect of leaders of men.

He had 3 years of experience in the most powerful and demanding position on earth. He had mastered the job. He had the confidence of the people, the allegiance of our friends, the respect of our foes. On his shoulders rested the hope of freemen everywhere.

All this-laid in the dust by the bullets of a deranged assassin. The deeper tragedy, then, is the loss to our country and to the world. Every man, woman and child is wounded and harmed by this dreadful act.

The supreme irony of it all is that a John F. Kennedy should be slain by a Lee Harvey Oswald, for no man devoted more effort, more thought, and more care to the afflictions of the Oswalds of the world than John F. Kennedy.

Oswald was a twisted and pathetic product of the worst aspects of American life. He was the product of a broken home and a rootless life; impoverished, mentally disturbed, emotionally unstable, rejected in every phase of life, neglected

by society, scorned by his fellow students and fellow workers and fellow soldiers. There were several occasions when he violently forced himself upon the attention of our various institutions.

He was not helped when he could have been helped. He was not curbed when he should have been curbed. He was allowed to sink deeper and deeper into progressive stages of rebellion and violence and finally was given free access to instruments of murder with which he killed the President of the United States.

Who has given so much attention and effort to the problems of which Oswald is representative than our fallen President? It was he who struggled ceaselessly to meet the legitimate needs of the unfortunate and the despairing-the underprivileged, the fatherless children, the juvenile delinquents, the mentally ill, the economically impoverished, the unemployed, the untrained, the unfit.

It was President Kennedy who struggled with limitless devotion and ceaseless energy to create a new American society in which there was a place for everyone, an education for everyone, a future for everyone, a job for everyone, and equal opportunity for everyone, a society in which there was adequate medical care for the sick and mental care for the afflicted.

From all sides and from all places there are reports of monuments being raised in memory of President Kennedy. It is appropriate that this should be so.

Let memorials be raised in all corners of this land which he loved so well and which loved him in return.

But I suggest that it is in pushing forward these great causes to which he devoted his life that we can best pay tribute to our fallen leader.

In the midst of the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln said something that I think expresses a thought in all of our hearts today. He was grieving over the loss of his beloved friend and ally Congressman Owen Lovejoy of Illinois. He was asked what he thought of a proposal to raise a statue in memory of his friend. Lincoln replied, "Let him have the marble monument, along with the well-assured and more enduring one in the hearts of those who loved liberty, unselfishly, for all men."

It is in the hearts of the American people and grieving millions throughout the world that the truest memorial to John F. Kennedy resides.

ADDRESS BY

Hon. Carl Hayden

OF ARIZONA

Mr. President, the many words of praise, sympathy, and rededication that are spoken today in memory of our late President can in no way lessen the tragic loss that this Nation and the world have suffered.

This is only one of the many ways in which we in the Senate can express our deep sense of loss for a man who rose from among us to become President of the United States. John F. Kennedy had the unique quality which compelled men to follow him, to listen to him, and to help him carry the awesome burden of the Presidency. He possessed the rare insight into human affairs that makes a man want to serve his fellow men in any way he can and devote his very life to that service.

We knew him in the Senate as a young man of exceptional ability and great desire, and we knew him in the Presidency as a young man of vision and determination, and we know him in death as a man who left his great dream that freedom and justice would be the destiny of all men and all nations, for the fulfillment of those who knew him and will always remember him. We will not forget, nor will we shy from the task before us. We will carry on, for such is the way of all men who love freedom.

ADDRESS BY

Hon. J. W. Fulbright

OF ARKANSAS

any of us to

Mr. President, it is not easy for speak in tribute to John F. Kennedy without revealing the sharp anguish which time has not dulled. The national consciousness is heavy with fatigue from sustained and genuine grief. "Just like losing a member of the family" one heard people say and, indeed, a great loss it was to the family of man.

Even as the Kennedy family drew together for comfort and support, so each of us have felt a greater bond with one another-a bond formed of common sorrow. In that time, little more

than 2 weeks ago when we could not yet comprehend the tragedy, each man somehow seemed a bit more valuable-a bit more worthy of our respect and tolerance. It was as though in his death the message of reason, tolerance, and peace, so much the essence of him, was again proclaimed. Death, the ultimate mystery, always turns men to introspection, but so much more when we grieve for one who was so much to all of us, both in person and philosophy.

John Kennedy was a political man to whom ideas were the stuff of life-to be sifted, analyzed, and refined with the scholar's precision of thought, the historian's perspective, but finally the politician's view toward accomplishment.

And he was a public man who gave himself to the public's business with zeal and enthusiasm. There was no question of his desire to assume the burdens of the Nation's highest responsibility. He sought the Presidency purposely and devoted himself eagerly to the tasks of Government.

He came to authority in a difficult and perplexing age, filled at once with the possibility of total destruction and prospects for the ultimate conquest of the age-old human enemies-poverty, disease, and hunger. He sensed these challenges and with his great faculty for communication he sought to communicate them to his Nation and to the world. The frontispiece of his book, "The Strategy of Peace," carries this quote from Lincoln:

The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. so we must think anew and act anew. thrall ourselves.

As our case is new, We must disen

It is not by chance that John Kennedy would choose these words as a preface to this collection of his thoughts on the Nation's problems-present and future. As Lincoln, he saw the newness of his time and the need for new thoughts, new questions, and new solutions.

He was an activist. The Presidency was to him a positive force in our Government and in our society and he set about to be President. Many of his chosen tasks are yet undone and many will never be fully concluded, but true to his inaugural address he began.

He set out to conclude the association of the Western democracies perceiving that strength lies in unity and seeking to achieve it through closer political, commercial, and cultural ties with

our European allies. It will be left to others to conduct the trade negotiations and the political conferences aimed at this objective, but those who do will be equipped with tools he forged. Many frustrations beset him in this effort, but he persisted as we must persist to work for closer unity of the free world.

With our own Nation on the threshold of maturity he reminded us of our responsibilities to the emerging nations of the world in Africa, Asia, and especially Latin America. Many of our policies will long bear his mark. Each new Peace Corps teacher and Alliance for Progress. project will be his memorial.

Above all, he forced our Nation and the world to examine the precarious position of civilization confronted with the awesome power of modern nuclear weapons and the seemingly insoluble ideological divisions which threaten to trigger them. Walter Lippmann said it well in his column of December 3:

He achieved one thing brilliantly, which is changing the course of events, and that has been to convince the Soviet Union that it must perforce and that it can comfortably and honorably live within a balance of power which is decidedly in our favor. For that John F. Kennedy will long be remembered.

The nuclear test ban treaty-the historic "first step" with the Soviet Union-was his treaty. He fostered and championed it. While treaties have not the permanence of marble, the spirit of this one is the spirit of John Kennedy and humanity is indebted to him for it.

His quest for a peaceful world won the affection of men of good will everywhere. Particularly do those who share our Western heritage grieve for him. At the conclusion of my remarks I will ask unanimous consent to have a resolution of the British House of Commons commemorating his passing printed in the Record.

He was a completely reasonable and human man whose concern for people lay at the root of his efforts to create a better life for all Americans. His legislative proposals centered on people their economic, social, and political welfare. We should be ever grateful that from our society arise such men whose own security makes more acute their consciousness of the insecurity of others. He was endowed with this great concern and the people of America loved him for it with a love not yet come to full fruition. We do not expect young men to die and we do not

expect Presidents to die at all. The editor of a weekly paper in Arkansas sensed this mood well. Tom Dearmore wrote in the Baxter Bulletin:

The shock has been so great partially because the President of the United States is a great embodiment. In his person he is a symbol of the will of the people. But there was more than that in this anguish the Nation has undergone. In his death the people have found Mr. Kennedy. Many never really knew him until they lost him.

When the history of our time is written it will be recorded that in his election and service our democracy reached a new maturity. His election as our first President who was a Roman Catholic-evidenced a calming of the religious intolerance which has been too much a part of our history. His funeral-as though to complete the effort-brought millions through television into the church which he claimed and for which he was criticized.

And yet other prejudices plagued him. The fruition of our Nation's melancholy history of race relations fell on his shoulders. One could sense the great sorrow this caused him and one must respect the great courage he displayed in meeting this domestic crisis. His courage was manifested, in part, by his refusal to vilify the South for what is truly a national problem.

In fact, one sensed that he had a special affection for the South and its problems. Only 2 months ago he spoke in my State of the new South and concluded by saying:

This great new South contributes to a great new America, and you particularly, those of you who are young, I think, can look forward to a day when we shall have no South, no North, no East, no West, but one Nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all. That is what we are building in this country today.

It is our tragic loss that he will not see this dream fulfilled, as fulfilled it must and will be. He was a young man and youth responded to him. The student paper at the University of Arkansas said:

And youth identified themselves with him. They admired him, because they understood his haste and boldness. They criticized him because they felt they were his peers, entitled to judge one of their own. And all the while, they respected him, because they saw in him a leader who belonged to them, maybe even more than to the others.

Now the weight of responsibility has been lifted from him and others are left to do the tasks he so eagerly and conscientiously set out to do. It is

our gain to have known him, the country's gain to have had him lead us for awhile, and humanity's gain that such a fine and decent man should have passed through our midst.

Our prayers have been and will be with his family and his successor.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution of the House of Commons, the editorial from the Arkansas Traveler, and a variety of other communications which were addressed primarily to the Senate but which came to me through the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, from many respected leaders of the world, may be printed as follows:

HOUSE OF COMMONS, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 25, 1963— COPY OF MANUSCRIPT AMENDMENT TO BE MOVED BY A MINISTER OF THE CROWN (PRINTED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF MR. SPEAKER)

Assassination of President Kennedy: That an humble address be presented to Her Majesty praying Her Majesty to be graciously pleased to express to the President of the United States of America the shock and deep sorrow with which this House has learned of the death of President Kennedy; and to convey their sense of the loss which this country and the Commonwealth have sustained, and their profound sympathy with Mrs. Kennedy and the family of the late President, and with the Government and people of the United States of America.

[From the Arkansas Traveler, Nov. 26, 1963]

A UNIVERSITY REACTS

The university campus was still Friday afternoon. People whispered as they walked into 1 o'clock classes. Some teachers lectured jerkily, briefly. Others dismissed classes filled with tension. Groups of people crowded silently around those with radios, waiting to know for certain. When the short announcement came, "John Fitzgerald Kennedy, President of the United States of America, is dead," people turned without speaking and slowly drifted away. This was the university's first reaction to the news. It was one of disbelief, then of revulsion. "No it's not true. It couldn't happen in our civilized society." Then came the realization of the baseness of such an action, the animallike violence which shepherded one human thing into taking another's life. As the weekend went on and the primary murder suspect was caught then killed before a confession was obtained, horror and insensibility seemed to pile on one another. The sequences of events took on a thicker coat of unreality. The consequences of these events, the succession of a new President, are so widespread, so infinite they have not been grasped. The death of this dynamic brilliant man has not really been accepted, cannot be understood.

Perhaps the young will have the hardest time making any sense of this weekend. The youth never really sees death in relation to himself. How can he with a whole life of desires and plans before him? He must concen

trate on fulfilling these plans; he must have done with the bothersome blocks in his way. He never dreams he might suddenly be stopped in the middle of fulfilling his goal. Yet, today the sense of death is brought home to him.

John F. Kennedy was a young man, at 46, the youngest to ever hold the office of President of this equally young Nation. He was like a character from a romantic novel. He had a brilliant mind; he had a dynamic warm personality; he had a true sincerity in his beliefs, and most symbolic of his youth, he had an indomitable will. With these qualities he attained in less than one term a greatness matched by only a handful of his predecessors. He led his people strongly and surely in an unbalanced world. He led them quickly with the haste of his youth.

And youth identified themselves with him. They admired him, because they understood his haste and boldness. They criticized him, because they felt they were his peers, entitled to judge one of their own. And all the while, they respected him, because they saw in him a leader who belonged to them, maybe even more than to the others.

DER PRÄSIDENT DES NATIONALRATES,
November 28, 1963.

Hon. PRESIDENT of the Senate,
Washington, D.C.

DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: The National Council of the Republic of Austria has mentioned by a manifestation of mourning held on November 26, 1963, the bereavement the United States of America and their friendly nations had to suffer by the death of the honorable President, John F. Kennedy.

I have the honor to enclose the text of the speech I addressed to the National Council on this occasion. At the same time I beg you, dear Mr. President, and the Members of the Senate to present my personal condolences as well as those of the Austrian parliamentary representation on this tragical event.

With the assurance of my highest esteem I remain, Very sincerely yours,

ALFRED MALETA,

Director, Parliament of Austria, Vienna, Austria.

NOVEMBER 28, 1963.

Mr. CHAIRMAN: Meeting today, for the first time since the staggering events of Dallas, the Foreign Affairs Committee, before beginning its session, said a few words in homage to the memory of President Kennedy.

Its members have unanimously charged me with transmitting to you their expression of deep condolences and to inform you of the hopes which they felt with the speech of President Johnson who assumes these highest duties in the most tragic circumstances.

In reaffirming to you the personal expression of my emotion and of my sadness, please accept my warmest wishes.

MAURICE SCHUMANN,

President, Foreign Affairs Commission, National Assembly, Republic of France.

TEHERAN, November 23, 1963.

Hon. RICHARD B. RUSSELL, President of the American Senate, Washington, D.C.:

Deeply distressed by learning the tragic news of the death of the President John F. Kennedy. With profound sympathy I extend to you and to your colleagues of the Senate on my own behalf and on behalf of all my colleagues the Iranian Senators our sincerest condolences in this deeply painful circumstance through which the American Nation and the whole world suffer the loss of a highly distinguished and peace-loving personality of the modern history.

DJAAFAR CHARIF-EMAMI,
President of the Senate.

CANBERRA, November 23, 1963.

The PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE OF THE SENATE,
Washington, D.C.:

Profoundly shocked to hear of tragic death of President Kennedy. Please accept the deepest sympathy of all Members of the Australian Senate in the great loss your country has sustained.

A. M. MCMULLIN, President of the Australian Senate.

OSLO, November 23, 1963.

The PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

The Capitol, Washington, D.C.:

The Norwegian Storting wishes to express to the Senate of the United States its profound sympathy with the people of the United States in their grief over the death of President Kennedy.

NILS LANGHELLE, President of the Storting.

BRUSSELS, BELGIUM, November 23, 1963.

To the PRESIDent of the Senate,
Washington, D.C.:

The Dallas crime has plunged the entire people of Belgium into mourning and consternation. They are deeply touched and indignant at the tragic death of the great American President, whose eminent role in critical moments of the world's history and whose firm determination that peace in justice and honor should prevail they will never forget. Belgium recalls with gratitude the loyal friendship of the late President. It is with deep emotion that the Chamber of Representatives of Belgium conveys the feeling of the Belgian people and sends to the Representatives of the American Nation its heartfelt sympathy and sincere condolences.

A. VAN ACKER,

President of the Chamber of Deputies of Belgium.