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which you have doubtless seen.' In that Message the reasons for yielding my official sanction were succinctly given. The question of difficulty which was involved was not an original one, arising for the first time. Had it been, my opinion and my action might have been different. But it was a question which had been twice adjusted by my predecessors, upon principles of concession and compromise, between the North and the South, once in the case of Missouri, and again in the case of Texas, and all sections and all parties had acquiesced in the Compromise for more than a quarter of a century. It would have been a momentous responsibility, and one which might have involved the integrity of the Union itself, to have disturbed this compromise by an Executive veto. My Message, at the same time, that it expresses my well considered convictions of duty, under the circumstances, which existed; it was hoped would tend to allay the excitement in the different sections of the Union. I am flattered with the belief, that it has to some extent, at least, produced that effect. Before my official action on the Oregon Bill was known, I was strongly urged to with-hold from it my sanction. A Southern convention, I was informed, was openly spoken of by Members of Congress. I gave my approval to the Bill, and protested against such a Convention, as calculated to do no possible good, but on the contrary to widen the breach between the North and the South, upon a question which I believed and still believe ought to have been, and can still be, settled by a satisfactory compromise. Since the appearance of the message I have heard nothing further of the project of a Southern Convention. I have now, reasonable ground to hope, that the question may be settled at the next Session of Congress, by extending the Missouri and Texas compromise line west to the Pacific. If this compromise shall not be adopted, the subject may be referred to the Judiciary, as was proposed by a Bill passed by the Senate, or some other compromise may be agreed upon, which if not entirely satisfactory to all sections, will be acquiesced in by the country. When the Presidential Election shall be over, I have great confidence that the question can be adjusted, and from all I hear I think it will be, at the next Session. It cannot I think be doubted that some of the leading men of the Whig party, North and South, preferred to have no settlement of the Slavery question at the late Session of Congress, but desired to keep it an open issue, with a view to political agitation, calculating upon its effect upon the Presidential Election. The establishment of a Territorial Government over Oregon has deprived them to that extent of the wicked use, which they may have designed to make of so delicate and dangerous a question.

1 Message of August 14, 1848, in " Messages and Papers of the Presidents," IV. 606.

? The compromise measure of 1850 pretended to determine the controversy.

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There is less excitement upon the Presidential Election than is usual. There is every prospect at present of Genl. Cass's Election. Indeed I consider this result as almost certain. The whole contest is between Genl. Cass and Genl. Taylor, the regular nominees of their respective parties. Mr. Van-Buren, it is true, is the Candidate of the Barnburners and Abolitionists, and received their nomination at their Convention at Buffalo, but he stands I think, no possible chance of carrying a single Electoral vote, out of New York, and every day diminishes his chances of success, even in that State. Three distinct tickets for Electors, and possibly a fourth (for Clay) will be run in New York, and a plurality will decide the vote of the State. I deplore the great error, which Mr. Van-Buren has committed, in suffering himself to occupy his present false position.

With the kind salutations of Mrs. Polk and myself to Mrs. Bancroft. I remain Very faithfully Your friend

JAMES K. POLK.

POLK TO BANCROFT.

Private.

WASHINGTON CITY, Jany 22, 1849.

MY DEAR SIR, Before I received your letter of the 29th ultimo, I had written to you and had anticipated the request you make, that I would give you my advice, whether you had better resign on the 4th of March, or await your recal, should it be the pleasure of the President Elect to recal you. It was, and is, my decided opinion that you should not voluntarily relinquish your mission. In my letter I assigned the reasons for this opinion. I may add that you have been eminently successful in all the negotiations intrusted to you, and the whole country, of all parties, are abundantly satisfied that an abler and more faithful Representative could not succeed you. Your postal Treaty and your successful efforts to procure the release of American citizens imprisoned in Ireland, are very popular throughout the country, and your recal could be attributed to no other cause, than that you belong to a different political party, than that of the President elect. That the next Administration will be proscriptive, notwithstanding the protestations to the contrary before the election I do not doubt; still I doubt whether you will be disturbed, at all events during the early part of the next term. Should I be mistaken in this, your recal could do you no possible injury.

I thank you for the Mecklenburg papers which you sent to me. Gov. Swain, President of the University of N. Carolina, I see communicated to the Governor of that State, a letter from you and a portion (perhaps all) the papers which you sent to me. The Governor laid them before the Legislature and your letter to Mr Swain has been published.

Your agency in bringing these papers to light has rendered you very popular in N. Carolina and indeed in all the Southern States. The main paper connected with the proceedings of the people of Mecklenburg you have not given. It is the formal Declaration of Independence itself, which was adopted on the 20th May, 1775. This paper was forwarded to the General Congress at Philadelphia, by Capt. Jack, a person employed specially to bear it. Governor Martin in his despatch to the Home Government, which you have sent to me refers to it. In his Proclamation issued, I believe, in the autumn of 1775, when the Governor was on board the ship to sail for England, denounces it as treasonable. The Resolves which you have sent to me, were passed a few weeks after the formal Declaration of Independence was made. This Declaration was doubtless transmitted or carried in person to England by Governor Martin. If it is to be found in the Brittish Archives, it will be conclusive evidence of the fact of such Declaration having been made, a fact which Mr Jefferson more than doubted. I dislike to trouble you further on the subject, but must request that you will cause a further search to be made for the Declaration of May 20th, 1775, which is the main-paper and the leading proceeding of the patriotic people of Mecklenburg. To aid you in any further researches you may have it in your power to make, I inclose you extracts of two letters, which I have received on the subject from William H. Winder Esq. of Philadelphia. Mr Winder is the son of the late Genl. Winder of Baltimore, and that you may understand the reason of the interest he takes in the matter, I inform you that his mother was a Polk, descended from the same stock with myself. He is preparing a genealogical Tree of the Polk family, and as several of its members participated actively in the proceedings in Mecklenburg, he desires to show their connection with the interesting events which took place in Mecklenburg. To me the subject is peculiarly interesting, for though the vile slander which was heaped upon the memory of my Grandfather, in the Presidential canvass of 1844, has been sufficiently refuted by other testimony, yet any thing which establishes the authenticity of the Mecklenburg proceedings, will tend still more clearly to put to shame the revilers of his memory. I have now in my possession a printed copy of the Journal of "The Provincial Congress " of S. C., held at Charles Town in June, 1775, at which Ezekiel Polk (my Grandfather) was a member. By that Congress he was appointed a Captain and I have in my possession his original Commission on parchment, under which he served in the Revolutionary War. He represented a District in "The Provincial Congress" of S. C. adjoining Mecklenburg, and was present, at Charlotte, and was among those who adopted "the Declaration of Independence," on the 20th of May, 1775. The copy of the Journal which I have, was sent to me by an aged man in

N. Carolina, since I have been President, who stated to me in a letter which accompanied it, that he had found it among the old papers of his father, who was also a member of the Provincial Congress. He sent it to me as containing a conclusive refutation of the slander which the recklessness of party had invented against the memory of Ezekiel Polk, for the purpose of injuriously affecting his Grandson, when a candidate for the Presidency. The copy of the Journal which I have, is a small printed pamphlet, and is the only one I have ever heard of. As it is probable that but few copies were printed, it may be the only copy now to be found. It is a curious as well as a valuable document. It may possibly be of use to you, in the further preparation of your history, and if so, I will furnish you with the original or an exact copy of it, should you desire it.

With kind regards to Mrs. Bancroft. I am Truly yr friend, JAMES K. POLK.

[Enclosures.]

WILLIAM H. WINDER TO POLK.

23 Sep., 1848.

I have given some little attention to the pamphlet received by me from Mr Hill of Raleigh, being the one printed by authority of the Legislature of North Carolina.1 My attention was called to this matter some years since and the result was that the testimony was not conclusive and satisfactory. And this second perusal has not removed the disappointment and doubt. On this account I very greatly rejoice that Mr. Bancroft has obtained access to the original documents, which I am of opinion will prove to differ from those in this pamphlet.

Again Gov Martin's proclamation issued from on board ship to which he had fled, denounced the proceedings of the convention in the strongest terms, thus giving official evidence of the existence and proceedings of the Convention. In that proclamation he bitterly denounced some letters written, by the members from North Carolina in the National Congress, which endorsed these proceedings and recommended them to all patriotic Citizens. The names of those members were Hooper, Hughes and Caswell. Their letters were published in the Cape Fear Mercury of the 14th July 1775. This paper with other documents Gov. Martin took, with him to England. As Mr Bancroft has been successful in getting access to the American archives in England, it might be very desirable to have him avail himself of the indulgence, to obtain the Cape Fear Mercury, or authenticated copies of such portions as have a bearing upon our National History, as another Ministry might 1 "The Declaration of Independence by the Citizens of Mecklenburg County. Published by the Governor," Raleigh, 1831.

2 William Hooper, Joseph Hewes and Richard Caswell, all members of the Continental Congress from North Carolina.

not afford an opportunity. You are probably aware that the Hon John Forsythe of Georgia took a warm interest in the matter, and sought access to British Archives of American History, and that his efforts were unsuccessful.

Col. Thos. and Ezekiel Polk, one or both, were members of the Congress which framed the test oath of Loyalty.

WILLIAM H. WINDER TO POLK.

11 Jany, 1849.

SIR, You were kind enough to do me the honor to say that when you should receive from Mr. Bancroft a copy of the original account of the proceedings of the Mecklenburg Convention, you would allow me to see them, and to avail myself of them to make a complete history of that important and contested event, so interesting to our (the Polk) family, several members of which were among the earliest movers and most active participants in that early patriotic movement. So long a time has elapsed since Mr Bancroft promised to forward these documents, that I fear important national matters of more pressing moment, may have caused this matter wholly to escape his recollection. The short period which will intervene between this and your retirement to that private peace which you so covet, that I fear the matter may be wholly unattended to. These together with the fact that Mr Forsythe had in vain. sought access to the American Archives in England have induced me to bring this subject again to your mind.

I pray you Sir pardon me for the liberty I am taking, and to which I am emboldened by a desire to place incontrovertibly upon all future historic annals, the true history of a most interesting event, in which the honor and distinction of several members of our family will be made clearly to appear.

While I am trespassing upon the courtesy which heretofore has received favorably similar suggestions, I will go so far as to request that if you should have occasion to remind Mr Bancroft of your wishes on this subject, that you would include in your instructions, such numbers of the Cape Fear Recorder1 as he can procure, containing an account of the Convention, the letters of the Delegates to the National Congress, and particularly the number containing the proclamation of the Governor of North Carolina. All of these will be found among the archives in London, and are very important in making a full and complete history, such as I purpose to write on receiving the documents and papers referred to above.

In my last respects to you I gave some details of matters connected with not only the Mecklenburg Convention, but the particular information you sought as to how I ascertained that Ezekiel Polk was Capt. of the Whig Rangers. . . .

1 Probably an error for "Mercury."

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