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plies where "Islam is the solution" holds reign, and where nonMuslims will be under the thumb of this Islamic rule. It is an aggressive State against its neighbors and against the West. For all these reasons, Hizbollah is a group that we must be very wary of. Chairman GILMAN. Mr. Anderson.

Mr. ANDERSON. One disagreement with Mr. Pipes. Hizbollah has officially and publicly abandoned its stated goal of turning Lebanon into an Islamic State, officially recognizes it as a multi-ethnic State, and professes to accept that these days. They say although they would, of course, love some time in the far future to have Lebanon be Islamic, they realize it cannot happen and it is not their goal anymore.

As far as their fighters in the south, you are quite right, sir, they have become more skillful over the years. That is only to be expected. The stupid ones get killed. And they have adopted very efficient tactics which military observers in the area judge to be very professional for low-level guerrilla conflicts, which is what they are waging, and judge that the battle between the Israeli Regular Army, the Southern Lebanese Army Militia, and Hizbollah, is pretty much of a face-off. I mean, six of one and half a dozen of the other. They can keep it up for a long time and fully intend to do so. They have gotten pretty good at it.

Chairman GILMAN. Are there any further comments?

I want to thank our panelists for your very astute testimony and giving us a better insight on problems. We appreciate your taking the time to be with us.

Chairman GILMAN. We will now move to our third panelist, former President Amin Gemayel. Our final witness this morning is His Excellency, Amin Gemayel, the former President of Lebanon during the turbulent years of 1982 to 1988.

We thank you, Mr. President, for taking the time and being patient to wait through our testimony.

President Gemayel studied law at the University of St. Joseph in Beirut. In 1970, at the age of 28, he became the youngest member of the Lebanese Parliament. He was elected President of the Republic in 1982, several weeks after the previous President, his brother, Bashir Gemayel, was assassinated.

I think it was about that time that we visited with a congressional delegation, Mr. President, and met with you in the fortress up on the hill.

After leaving the Presidency, President Gemayel accepted a position at the Center for International Affairs at Harvard. Apart from his political activities, President Gemayel has established several nonprofit organizations to promote a dialog among Lebanon's various factions and to study the social, political, and economic issues facing that country.

President Gemayel is the author of several books, including the most recent, Rebuilding Lebanon's Future, published by Harvard. President Gemayel currently lives in France and has traveled a great distance to be with us today.

We thank you and welcome you to Washington once again, Mr. President. We are most pleased you are able to join us, and we look forward to hearing your assessment today about Lebanon's past.

Mr. LAHOOD. May I say one word? I made a commitment to give a talk to some people at 2:30 on the Senate side, so I am going to stay. If I leave, it is only because I have to maintain that commitment. Again, thank you, Mr. Chairman, for holding this. This means an awful lot to many of us.

Chairman GILMAN. We thank you for being here.

Mr. President, you may put in your whole statement or summarize it, whatever you deem appropriate. Please proceed.

STATEMENT OF AMIN GEMAYEL, FORMER PRESIDENT OF

LEBANON

Mr. GEMAYEL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I hope that you are not too tired after such a long session, especially with such a complicated issue as Lebanon.

Thank you for inviting me to appear before your Committee today. I speak on behalf of the vast majority of my people who refuse to surrender their freedom and sovereignty, and who refuse to accommodate the foreign policy aims of outsiders. I speak for those who refuse to accept the false peace which has been imposed on them.

I do not wish to repeat what has been said by so many others who have preceded me today, Mr. Chairman, including your own fine and accurate and inspiring opening statement. Therefore, I will skip my prepared statement and ask that it be included in the record.

Chairman GILMAN. Without objection.

President GEMAYEL. Mr. Chairman, in contrast to what the State Department and some other friends say this morning, Lebanon is rapidly becoming, to quote your own words, a Syrian "client State". This description is very accurate because Lebanon is indeed becoming a client city and State.

I appreciate that the State Department and others are obliged to use diplomatic language since they must deal with the current Government of Lebanon, but I am here to say that my country is no longer independent and that the Syrian grip is tightening in such a way that it may not be irreversible if the international community does not act now.

Also, some Lebanese and perhaps some foreign friends as well, have had experience in our country and may have been struck with the Stockholm syndrome. That may explain some of their comments today.

What is actually happening, Mr. Chairman, is that Syria is ripping apart our basic institutions, our basic national institutions. The constitutional change on Presidential terms, which you have mentioned, is a tragic example.

The renewal of the mandate of President Harawi ironically was announced in a foreign city during a press conference given by a foreign leader during a visit to Egypt. President Assad's action dramatically illustrates the importance of this issue as it demonstrates the extent to which the sanctity of Lebanese institutions has been disregarded in changing the term of the Presidency; they have cast aside our most basic safeguard against dictatorship.

Another point to emphasize what Mr. David Welch mentioned this morning concerns Syria's problems concerning the 1996 par

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liamentary elections. The kind of parliament we have is actually a parliament of a totalitarian country where 99.9 percent system is being followed. It means in the Parliament there is absolutely no opposition for the time being, and all the decisions considering the Constitution are taken by a very huge majority of 99.9 percent.

Another crucial way our national institutions are being dismantled is the change in our demography. Not only the institutions, but also the demography of the country. Recently, with the mere stroke of a pen, the government granted citizenship to nearly half a million aliens in a country of only 3 million people, can you imagine? That would be equivalent to 45 million people in the United States. So it is a demography that is changing. By the time the Syrians do withdraw, Lebanon will have been completely changed, even demographically.

This granting of citizenship was really unique in our history. Most previous Presidents only used their power to grant fewer than 100 such requests each during their entire 6-year terms.

So what do I propose? First, let me say that what I suggest, what I truly believe, that without Syrian and Israeli interference and intervention, we Lebanese, if left alone, would have resolved our own problems.

But now, under the current circumstances, I would suggest the following interconnected steps: First is the full implementation of the 1989 agreement which stipulates a Syrian pullback to East Lebanon away from Beirut. This agreement has the full support of the United States. At that time I had some reservations, but for the time being it is essential for the Syrians at least to respect their commitments under this agreement.

Second must be the withdrawal of Israeli forces from South Lebanon according to the U.N. Resolutions 425, 426, and 520.

Third, the Syrians must withdraw from all of Lebanon.

Fourth, all Lebanese must be able to participate in free elections held under international supervision.

I am here before you today to urge the United States to support actively a policy based on the principles on which this great Nation was founded. I urge the United States not to compromise or follow a policy of accommodation in order to placate our more powerful neighbors which would sacrifice American moral principles. Such a policy, in the end, will not bring peace to the Middle East.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

[The prepared statement of Mr. Gemayel appears in the appendix.]

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. President, for your very eloquent remarks.

Mr. Rahall.

Mr. RAHALL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

On a personal note, Mr. President, I want to express my pleasure in being with you once again. I know that our friendship goes back to my first visit to Lebanon in 1979, with you and your late broth

er.

Mr. GEMAYEL. My colleague at that time. I was a Member of the Parliament.

Mr. RAHALL. That is correct. We were colleagues at that time; that is correct.

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Most importantly, and with great humility and respect for you, you have honored me by bestowing upon me the Cedars of Lebanon during your tenure as President, recognition that I hold quite dear to my heart, and I appreciate that very much.

You have given very good testimony, and your recommendations are fully noted, the first of which is your calling for the full implementation of the Taif agreement, which stipulates the Syrian pullback to East Lebanon, as you stated.

Is that not pretty much done today as far as the Syrian troops being out of Beirut itself, perhaps not in full compliance with the Taif agreements, but at least as far as the city of Beirut itself? You don't see Syrian troops in the city today. Are they still there and just hidden, or have they withdrawn from the city? There are no checkpoints, the green line is not there, et cetera, et cetera.

Mr. GEMAYEL. When you landed at the Beirut Airport, I am surprised you did not see it was surrounded by Syrian soldiers and intelligence officers. There are even the portraits of the Syrian leaders. They are everywhere in Beirut, including through the use of proxies, they completely control the Army, they control the intelligence, they control all major Lebanese institutions.

So they don't need a physical presence, because they have very strong control. Even if you don't see them, that does not mean they are absent.

Mr. RAHALL. OK. How would you advocate then that our U.S. Government act? Obviously, we are trying to work within the realities of the overall region. You have acknowledged that the State Department has made certain statements because they, as you just said in your opening statement, must deal with the current Lebanese Government. How do you then advocate, other than what you have said here-and I fully agree with these steps that you proposed-the implementation of the Taif agreements; the second step, withdrawal of Israeli forces; the third step is withdrawal of Syrian forces; and then the fourth, all Lebanese citizens be allowed to participate in internationally supervised free elections. I agree with all of those. How should our government go about actually implementing these?

Mr. GEMAYEL. I think there is a real window of opportunity for a strong diplomatic American initiative because the Israeli and Syrian occupation of Lebanon has created a stalemate. In the environment of this diplomatic vacuum in the region, the time is ripe for the United States to step into the breach. The conditions are present in this stalemate to be transformed into a genuine initiative toward a lasting peace settlement.

First, the Lebanese Government, with Syrian backing, has called for the implementation of U.N. Resolutions 425 and 426. Even though Israel was opposed to the implementation of 425 and 426, Prime Minister Netanyahu now proclaims a "Lebanon First" plan which calls for an Israeli withdrawal concurrent with implementation of security arrangements in the south.

So what is 425 and 426? 425 and 426 is known as withdrawal plus security arrangements. What Mr. Netanyahu is calling for is withdrawal and security arrangements. Let us call it "Lebanon First". Without implementation of 425 and 426, there is no possibility.

Formerly, it was the Israelis who refused the implementation of 425 and 426. Now there is kind of a common ground. At the same time, the Hizbollah leaders are saying they are ready to disarm, as long as the Israelis withdraw from the south. If the Israelis withdraw, we are ready to disarm.

So there is a conjunction of three factors: The Lebanese call for 425 and 426, the Israeli proposal for their withdrawal under a "Lebanon First" plan, and the Hizbollah is saying it is ready to disarm after an Israeli withdrawal from the south. So these are really the building blocks.

My proposal is for the United States to bring the three partners-Lebanon, Syria, and Israel-together to the advantage of this window of opportunity to launch a new initiative to get all three to live up to the Taif agreement and to their engagements. I am convinced that a U.S. initiative would create a kind of momentum in the region that others would follow to fill the diplomatic vacuum, and restore confidence in the peace process.

Mr. RAHALL. So the United States should be pushing ahead to get the Lebanese Government and Israelis to negotiate, absent any progress in the overall peace track?

Mr. GEMAYEL. To help everybody to live up to their commitments and statements, that is all. There is an opportunity. Since actually there is no real diplomatic move in the area toward the peace process, Lebanon could become a first step; it could pave the way. Lebanon could be a starting point toward resuming the larger peace process. Lebanon could be a first initiative toward achieving peace in the region.

Mr. RAHALL. Thank you very much.

Chairman GILMAN. Thank you, Mr. Rahall. I thank you for standing by throughout the hearing.

Mr. RAHALL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for allowing me to be here, although not a Member of your Committee. I appreciate it. Chairman GILMAN. It is good having someone who has personal knowledge on the issue take part.

Mr. President, as we have discussed here today, Congress is seriously concerned about the continued presence of foreign forces in Lebanon, especially by the loss of Lebanon's sovereignty as a result of all of this.

What should our Nation do to address the reality that Lebanon is not an independent, free State? What policy changes should we make to try to encourage an independent sovereignty?

Mr. GEMAYEL. As I have outlined in my testimony, Mr. Chairman, I believe there are four steps. And with the dynamic diplomatic initiative of the Clinton Administration, I am concerned that there is an opportunity. But what we need is diplomacy with muscle.

Chairman GILMAN. How do we get Syria, for example, to withdraw? Israel said if Syria will withdraw, they will withdraw.

Mr. GEMAYEL. It is difficult to have a resolution, without agreeing to all the steps as a package. We cannot deal with each issue by itself. They are really interconnected.

Chairman GILMAN. Do you think if there can be an eventual peace arrangement between Syria and Israel, that then Syria

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