Pepys records, in his Diary, 30th November, 1662, that "This day I first did wear a muffe, being my wife's last year's muffe; and now I have bought her a new one, this serves me very well." Apropos of Pepys, will you suggest to your correspondents that it would be of general convenience to readers, if they would endeavour to make their references as easy of verification as possible? When a work has passed through several editions, a mere reference to volume and page is only tantalising to those who possess a different edition. The mention of chapter and section may save much loss of time; while it often happens that there is even a more ready indicator. For example: in Vol. vi., p. 213. of "N. & Q.," BONSALL has given some Notes by Coleridge on Pepys's Diary (wrongly called by BONSALL Memoirs) which I should have been glad to compare with the passages referred to; but, from mine being the 8vo. edition, I am unable to find them. Had BONSALL given, instead of volume and page, the day and year, the proper places could have been at once found in any edition. J. TH. Kennington. This fashion was doubtless imported from France or Holland by the Merry Monarch. In a ballad describing the fair upon the river Thames, during the great frost of 1683-4, mention is made of "A spark of the bar, with his cane and his muff.” They were usually slung round the neck by a silk riband, as may be seen in the print of a beau in Tempesta's Cries of London. There is a curious portrait of Admiral Byng (who was somewhat of a macaroni), in which he is drawn with his arms folded in a muff! Poor Byng, it will be remembered, was murdered in 1757. EDWARD F. RIMBAULT. When I was at the College School, Gloucester, in 1793-4, I frequently saw Dr. Josiah Tucker, the then Dean, walk up the nave to attend service, with his hands in a small muff in cold weather. He was then very old and infirm. P. H. F. Muffs were worn by gentlemen in 1683. See Fairholt's Costume in England, p. 351., in which is reproduced an engraving of about that date of a figure wearing one, and reference is made to a ballad of that year mentioning "A spark of the bar, with his cane and his muff." Horace Walpole, writing to George Montague in 1764, says: "I send you a decent smallish muff, that you may put in your pocket, and it costs but fourteen shillings." CHEVERELLS. About the year 1841 I was at a railway station royal dukes drove up; I think it was Cambridge. (Ronde) near Northampton, when one of the Lord Fitzroy Somerset was, however, with him, and two men-servants, Germans, I believe. One of these men was herculean in stature and proportion he wore a small fur muff. Query, Is the custom of gentlemen wearing muffs common on the Continent? An answer to this question may assist to settle the first Query. R. R. GLASS-MAKING IN ENGLAND. (Vol. v., p. 322.) A few lines on this interesting subject of arthistory may perhaps not be out of place. On the 8th of September, 9th Elizabeth, licence was granted to Anthony Been, alias Dolyn, and John Care (born in the Low Countries), for twenty-one years, to build furnace-houses, buildings, and other engines and instruments for melting and making of glass for glazing; "such as is made in France, Loraine, and Burgundy, and to put in work the said art, feat, or mystery of making such glass! After this, Peter Briet and Peter Appell (the assigns and deputies of John Care) complained that great quantities of glass were still imported from foreign countries: the queen therefore, in October, 1576, renewed the licence for twenty-one years, prohibiting the manufacture by other persons, and prohibiting the importation. Protestant Refugees in England (p. 253.), gives Mr. Burn, in his interesting work on the Foreign from which we learn that the patentees were to some curious particulars concerning the duties, fashion of Normandy," containing twenty-four pay the queen for every case of glass "of the tables of glass, 15d.; and for every case of Loraine or Burgundy fashion, containing twenty bundles, 15d.; and for the way of Hessen glass, containing sixty bundles, 38. 1d. The patentees were to charge for every case of Normandy fashion glass, containing one hundred and twenty feet, 32s.; for the bundle of Loraine or Burgundy, containing ten feet, 21d. the bundle; for the way of Hessen fashion glass, 31. at the most: and they were to teach the art to a convenient number of Englishmen, as should, according to the custom of London, be bound to them. In the year 1589 one George Long presented a curious petition for a patent for making glass, urging as an inducement, that he would only have two glass-houses in England (instead of fifteen), and the rest in Ireland; whereby the English woods would be preserved, and the Irish super fluous woods used. Long's letter to Lord Burghley upon the subject is so historically interesting, that I transcribe it at length. It is preserved in MS. Lansd. 59. Art. 72. Orig.: 66 "The country wilbe sooner brought to civilitye, for “To the right honorable the Lord Burgleighe, that we may both attend your Honor. "Att what tyme that Troubles began in France and the Lowe Countryes, so that Glass could not conveniently be brought from Loraine into England, certaine Glassmakers did covenaunt with Anthony Dollyne and John Carye, merchants of the saide Low Countryes, to come and make Glass in England. Wheruppon Dollyne and Carye obtained the Patent for making of Glass in England in September the ixth yeare of the Queene's Majesties raigne, for xxi yeares ensuinge, under these conditions, to teache Englishmen and to pay custome; which Patent was fully expired a yeare ago. "Carye and Dollyne, having themselves no knowledge, were driven to lease out the benefitt of their Patent to the Frenchmen, who by no means would teach Englishmen, nor at any time paide one peny custome. Carye being dead, Dollyne took vid. upon a case of glass. "For not performaunce of covenants, their Patent being then voide, about vi yeares after their Grant, other men erected and set on worke divers Glasshouses in sundry parts of the Realm, and having spent the Woods in one place, doe dayly so continue erecting newe Workes in another place without checke or controule. "About vii yeares past, your Honor called them that kept Glasshouses before you, to knowe who should paye the Quene's custome, whose answere generally was, that there was no custome due, but by condicions of a speciall priviledg which no one of them did enjoye, and they not to paye custome for comody ties made within the Realme. Thus hath her Majestie beene I deceived and still wilbe without reformation. "I most humbly desire your Honor to graunt me the like Patent, considering my pretence is not to contynue the making of Glass still in England, but that therbye I maye effectually repress them. And wheras ther are now fifteen Glasshouses in England. Yf it so like your Honor (granting me the like Patent) to enjoyne me at no tyme to keepe above ii Glasshouse's in England, but to erect the rest in Ireland, wherof will ensue divers commodityes to the commune wealth, according to the effect of my former Petition. "The Woods in England will be preserved. "The superfluous Woods in Ireland wasted, then which in tyme of rebellion Her Majestie hath no greater enemy theare. "The Country wilbe much strengthened, for every Glasshouse wilbe so good as twenty men in garison. I Whether Mr. Long's project was carried into effect, I have not been able to ascertain. EDWARD F. RIMBAULT. CAP OF MAINTENANCE. (Vol. vi., p. 271.) Without being able to explain the origin of the Cap of Maintenance, I can trace its use further back than the reign of Henry VIII. In an old account of the celebration of the Feast of St. George by Edward IV. at Windsor, 29th April, 1482, is the following statement: "And when the Kinge was comen into his Stall, he proceeded before the high Aulter, where Lossey Cognyzance of the Pope's Cubiculars presented to his highness a Lettre from the Pope, with a Sword and a Cap of Maintenance, and the Archbishoppe of Yorke, Chancellor of Englande, redde the Lettre, and declared the effect of the same, and then girte the Sworde about the Kinge, and sette the Cappe on the King's hedde, and forthwith toke it off ageyne, and so proceeded to the procession, and the foresaid Cappe was borne one the point of the said sworde by the Lorde Standley." Anstis' Register of the Order of the Garter, ii. 211. note k. Henry VII., when at York on St. George's Eve, 1486, had "on his hedde his Cap of Maintenance." -Leland's Collectanea, second edition, iv. 191. The following detailed account of the presentation, by Pope Innocent VIII. to Henry VII., of a Sword and Cap of Maintenance appears to refer to the year 1488, shortly after the Feast of All Saints. "At the breking up of the Counseille, ther entrid into this Reaulme a Cubiculer of the Pope's, which brought to the Kyng a Suerde and a Cappe, whiche for honnor of the Pope was honnourably receiyvid by the King's commaundement, in manner as ensueth : Furste the King sente au Officer of Armes to the see side, to cause thos religious places of Canterbury and outher Townes by the way, to make him goode chiere, Johns, and outhres."-Leland's Collectanea, 2nd edit. iv. 244, 245. It seems that Pope Alexander VI. also sent Henry VII. a Hallowed Sword and Cap of Maintenance. Lord Bacon says: League, for the defence of Italy, did remunerate him with an Hallowed Sword and Cap of Maintenance sent by his Nuncio. Pope Innocent had done the like, but it was not received in that Glory. For the King appointed the Mayor and his Brethren to meet the Popes Orator at London-Bridge, and all the Streets between the Bridge-foot and the Palace of St. Paul's (where the King then lay) were garnished with the Citizens, standing in their Liveries. And the morrow after (being All-hallows day) the King, attended with many of his Prelates, Nobles, and principal Courtiers, went in procession to St. Paul's, and the Cap and Sword were borne before him. And after the Procession, the King himself remaining seated in the Choir, the Lord Archbishop, upon the greece of the Choir, made a long Oration, setting forth the greatness and eminency of that Honour, which the Pope (in those Ornaments and Ensigns of Benediction) had done the King, and how rarely and upon what high deserts they used to be bestowed. And then recited the King's principal Acts and Merits, which had made him appear worthy in the eyes of his Holiness of this great Honour." Hist. of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh, edit. 1676, p. 101. and well to entret him. After that, his Highnes sent certaine Knightes to met hym as fer as Rochester. After them the Reverentz Faders in Gode the Bishope of Durame, the Bishope of Excester, the Bishope of Rochester, the Erle of Shrewsbury, the Erle of Wiltshire, the Lorde Morley, the Lorde Hastinges, and the Prior of Lantony, with many mor Lordes and Knyghtes "This twelfth year of the King, a little before this (whos names I have not) receyved hym at Blakheth, time, Pope Alexander (who loved best those Princes and after theme the Bishope of Winchestre and the that were furthest off, and with whom he had least do) Erle of Arundell met hym at Saint Georges in South-taking very thankfully the King's late entrance into werke, wher the Cappe was sette upon the pointe of the suerde. And so the saide Cubiculer riding between the Bishope of Winchester and the Erle of Arundell openly bar the saide swerde thorowe Southwerke, and on London Brigge, wher he was also receyved, and wellcomed by the Maire of London and his Brethern. As he procedede thens thorow the Cite to Poulles, stode all the Craftes in ther clothings, and at the West Ende of Poulles he was receyved by the Metropolitan and divers outher Bishopes in Pontificalibus, and with the Procession, and so proceded to the High Auter, and from thens it was borne into the Revestry. In the morne that same Day, the King removed from Westminster to the Bishopes Pales, with the Quene and my Lady the Kings Mouder. That Day ther was so grete a miste upon Thames that ther was no man cowde telle of a grete season in what place in Thames the King was. When the King was comen into his Travers, the Cape was brought oute of the Revestry, to byfore the High Auter, by the said Cubiculer, accompanied with the Bishope of Winchester and the Erle of Arundell, and many outher nobles bothe Espirituel and Temporell. Then the King came forth of his Travers, wher the saide Cubiculer presentit the King a Letter from the Pope, closit with Corde and Lede, that was rede by the Reverent Fader in God the Lord John Morton Archebishope of Canterbury, then Chanceler of England. That doon the saide Cubiculer, holding the saide Suerde and Cape, made a noble proposicion; to which the saide Lord Chanceler answerde full clerely and nobly. Present the Ambassatours of Fraunce, Ambassatours of the King of Romains, of the Kings of Castille, of Bretaigne, and of Flanders, with divers outher straungiers, as Scottis, Esterlings, and outher. That finished, the King and all those Estates went a Procession, and the Cape was borne on the Pomel of the Swerde by the saide Cubiculer. When Procession was done, during all the Masse, it was set on the High Auter. The Messe doone, the Archbishope sang certain Oraisons over the King, who came from his Travers before the High Auter, to the Highest Stepe next the Auter. Whiche Oraisons and Benediccions done, the Archebishope, in ordre after the Booke whiche was brought from Rome, gerdit the Suerde aboute the King, and sett the Cape on his Hede: And so the King returned to his Travers whilles Te Deum was a singing and the Colet rede; and it was taken of again, and, as before, borne by the said Cubiculer to the Bishopes Palles, and there deliverit to the Chamberlain. That Day the King made a grete Feste, and kept open Housholde, and by cause the Palays was so littil for such a Feste, the said Cubiculer dynnyt on the Downs Place [in the Dean's Place?] accompanyied with divers Bishopis and Lordes, as the Lorde of Saint In the Privy Purse Expenses of Henry VII. are the following items: "1496 "Nov. 1. To thenbassadour of Rome in 66 "1497 rewarde Jan. 20. To John Flee, for a Case for £ s. d. 33 6 8. 1 2 0." Excerpta Historica, 110, 111. Lord Bacon would appear to have been mistaken in supposing that Pope Innocent's presents "had not been received in that glory." With respect to the presentation of a Cap and Sword by Pope Julius II. to Henry VIII., Hall, under the sixth year of that king [1514], says: "The xix day of May was receuveyed into London July, with a great compaignye of nobles and gentlea Capp of Mayntenance and a Swerde sent from Pope men, which was presented to the Kyng on the Sonday then next ensuyng with great solempnytie in the cathedrall church of Sainct Paul."-Chronicle, ed. 1809, p. 568. Pope Julius II. died in 1513; so that if the foregoing event is really to be referred to May, 1514, the Pope by whom the Cap and Sword were sent was more probably Leo X, C. H. COOPER. Cambridge. Replies to Minor Queries. “ Balnea, vina, Venus" (Vol. vi., pp. 74. 233.). On what authority does A. B. M. assign this epiAre we to rest contented with gram to Martial ? loose references to his and Darwin's works? Oh! how I wish that our worthy Editor would stereotype on the first page of every number: "Each man has his hobby, and mine is, not to suffer a quotation to pass without verification. "It is fortunate that I am not a despotic monarch, as I would certainly make it felony, without benefit of clergy, to quote a passage without giving a plain reference."-Notes and Queries, vol. i. p. 230. and then hand over every Note or Query that disregarded the warning to the High Priestess of Vesta his housemaid. I could point out passages in "N. & Q." in which references have been made to Rabelais, La Rochefoucauld, and, worse than all, to Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy! and which have been allowed to pass without editorial comment or rebuke. I do not know what my opinions on this slipslop, slovenly, unworkmanlike, unscholarlike style of reference may be worth; but I know this, -that I am neither ashamed nor afraid to express them. C. FORBES. Temple. These charming verses were composed (as Faria and the other commentators inform us) on the banks of the Mecon, after the poet's escape from shipwreck, in 1560, on his voyage from Macao to Goa. P. C. S. S. can hardly agree with Rr. in Psalm to be "the most successful in deeming the Portuguese version of the 137th any language." He has always entertained a strong preference for the Latin Elegiacs of George Buchanan. Perhaps his partiality for them may be something of a personal nature; for he still possesses a gold medal, which, in his academical days (Eheu fugaces, Posthume, Posthume!), he was so fortunate as to obtain for an attempt at a Greek version of Buchanan's admirable translation. P. C. S. S. Lintot's House (Vol. vi., p. 198.). Bernard Lintot, on the title-page of Gay's Trivia, 8vo. (1712), tells us that his residence was the "CrossKeys between the Temple Gates in Fleet Street." Mr. Cunningham, in his Hand-Book (p. 348.), describes "Nando's " as "a coffee-house in Fleet Street, east corner of Inner Temple Lane, and next door to the shop of Bernard Lintot, the bookseller." If Lintot's shop was between the Temple Gates, as he himself tells us, it could not have been next door to Nando's. Query, Was it the shop afterwards in the possession of Jacob Robinson, the bookseller, on the west side of the [There is so much good common sense in the sug-gateway leading down the Inner Temple Lane? gestion of our correspondent, as to the necessity of precise references; and we have ourselves often suf fered so much inconvenience from their omission, that we shall certainly, as a general rule, act in future upon his suggestion.-ED.] Portrait of Lady Venetia Digby (Vol. vi., p. 174.). -The portrait of Lady Venetia Digby inquired for is perhaps that in the Dulwich Gallery, marked 242 in the Catalogue. It was formerly inserted as of "Lady Penelope Digby," but was changed from something I once read about it, I think in Carpenter's book on Vandyke. S. P. D., JUN. Camoens' Version of the 137th Psalm (Vol. vi., pp. 50. 248.).-P. C. S. S., an old student-in other words, an old admirer- of Camoens, ventures to differ from MR. SINGER in the opinion which that gentleman seems to indicate at p. 248. of the present volume of "N.& Q." He does not consider the beautiful Redondillas to which MR. S. refers as the version of the Psalm ("Super flumina") mentioned at p. 50. by your correspondent RT. He is rather inclined to believe that RT. must have alluded to the 239th Sonnet of Camoens. The Redondillas, as MR. S. justly observes, are only an expanded paraphrase," founded on a supposed resemblance between the forlorn condition of Camoens when he wrote them, and that of the children of Israel when they were banished wanderers "by the waters of Babylon." -66 Robinson was living there in 1737: how much earlier I know not. This house and shop (which tioner), is one of the very few remaining relics, in is now in the occupation of Groom, the confecits kind, of old London. EDWARD F. RIMBAULT. A Norfolk Dialect (Vol. ii., pp. 217. 365.).— Gotch, a jug or pitcher. Forby's derivation of this from Italian, gozzo, a throat, seems far-fetched. more probable derivation is from the Anglo-Saxon geotan, to pour, p. guton, pp. goten, gegoten. The word gote (a gote or pipe, Dugdale, History of Fens and Embanking) is still used in the Cambridgeshire fens. Tyd Gote, "the four Gotes," is from the same root. In Lincolnshire this word is spelt and pronounced gout, -Winthorpe Gout, Trusthorpe Gout; and in the Kent and Sussex marshes they seem to use the word gut in the same sense. The word gush connects this with the German giessen, pret. gösse, gegossen; from whence comes gosse, a gutter or drain: also goss-stein, a sink or gutter-stone. Gosse, by the usual metathesis of s for t, is our word gote. E. G. R. Passages in Bingham (Vol. vi., p. 172.).-I beg leave to inform MR. RICHARD BINGHAM, Jr., that the fifth book in his list, viz. Tractatus de delicte communi et casu privilegiato, vel de legitima Judicum secularium potestate in personas ecclesiasticas, per Benignum Milletotum [s.1.], 1612, is in the "Works of the Learned" (Vol. vi., p. 271.).-M., who inquires for an account of English literary periodicals, will find the desired information in a paper by Samuel Parkes, author of the wellknown Chemical Catechism and Chemical Essays. His bibliographical paper has this title: "An Account of the Periodical Literary Journals which were published in Great Britain and Ireland, from the Year 1681, to the Commencement of the Monthly Review in the Year 1749," and was published in the Quarterly Journal of Science, Literature, and the Arts, vol. xiii. pp. 36-60. and 289312. In this, which is a nearly complete account, Mr. Parkes describes thirty-one distinct literary journals previous to the Monthly Review. The thirtieth is the Literary Journal, published in Dublin, 1744 to 1749, which deserves notice, not only as an Irish production, but as filling up the chasm between the discontinuation of the octavo History of the Works of the Learned in 1743, and the commencement of the Monthly Review in 1749. It is now very rare. The library of Trinity College, Dublin, possesses only an imperfect copy; but there is a complete one in Archbishop Marsh's Library, St. Patrick's, Dublin. The Irish Quarterly Review, No. VII. (for September, 1852), supplies much interesting information as to this little known periodical. ARTERUS. year" I cannot say, and I know no particular reason why it should. The cause of the harvest moons being longer visible than any other is, that the moon's orbit is different from the plane of the ecliptic. The moon is never full in the signs of Pisces and Aries but in our harvest months; at this time the difference in the time of her rising is little more than two hours in seven days. When the moon is in the opposite signs of Virgo and Libra, the difference in the time of the moon's rising in seven days is eight hours. So that when the moon approaches her full in harvest, she rises with less difference of time each night, and so more immediately after sunset than at any other time of the year. In Ferguson's Astronomy, I think a detailed account of the "Harvest Moon" will be found, if E. A. S. wishes to have further information on the subject. I have endeavoured to answer his Query as concisely as I could. J. S. S. “De Laudibus Sanctæ Crucis" (Vol. vi., p. 61.). - In the several articles on this subject I am surprised that the ill-fated Savonarola's volume, Tri1492, has been omitted, both on account of the umphus Crucis, first published at Florence in theme and the author, of whom I think it right to remark, that although the fatal victim to the prelive and sensitive body, that was committed to the judices of the period (1498), it was his dead, not flames, for he had been previously strangled, as distinctly stated by his biographer, Picus Mirandola, the famous universal scholar, the friend, Hieronymi Savonarola, Paris, 1674, 12mo, ad too, of the unfortunate Dominican. (See Vita calcem.) Although happily much rarer in England and other Protestant countries, these immolations yet stain their records; and the principle was not formally renounced, or the law ejected from our statute book, until 1678, when that entitled De Hæretico Comburendo was repealed; but the halter, if not the stake, was the too frequent infliction of religious dissent. Of these aberrations of the human mind, the memory, it is sometimes said, should be effaced. "Excidet illa dies ævo, nec postera credant Sæcula! nos certe taceamus; et obruta multa But I think that they should be held rather in Furye Family (Vol. vi., pp. 175. 255.). — Your correspondent W. R., Surbiton, has obligingly furnished me with an answer to one part of my inquiry, as to the wife of Captain Furye (for which I thank him), but he does not state what |