ART. IX. THE REIGN OF COMMERCIALISM

ONE of the marked characteristics of the new century is the reign of Commercialism. It dominates largely every avenue of life. Its subtle influence surrounds us like the atmosphere, and we inhale it at every breath-either consciously or unconsciously. In its organized form it assumes vast proportions, known as trusts, combines, etc., and these giants in turn battle for the mastery. It compasses all lands and seas, and seeks allies wherever to be found. Even the nations of the earth are in the struggle for commercial supremacy. Friendly competition between small tradesmen is becoming a thing of the past. Indeed, there is little chance for competition. It is not now the "survival of the fittest," but the survival of the biggest. As a recent writer says: "There is an advantage in having a heap of things that you can't use, and that advantage is that you can make men work for you in order to get them from you as wages. These piles of wealth have introduced a new kind of slavery, and men get rich, not by working themselves, but by making others work for them."

Our views as to what constitutes a fortune have been greatly enlarged in these later years. A half century ago fifty thousand dollars was considered quite a competency, but now a man must be a millionaire, yea, a multimillionaire, before he can be classed among the rich. And, too, fifty years ago seekers after a fortune were content to accumulate by the slower and surer process of industry and economy, but now they must come from the obscurity of poverty into the blaze and glare of wealth by a single bound. This all-absorbing desire to "get rich quick" leads to the wildest kind of speculation, and not infrequently to questionable methods. In the olden time Croesus was the standard in estimating wealth; now Croesus is a back number. If we desire to compare riches we take a modern standard-a Vanderbilt, an Astor, a Rockefeller, or any one of a score of others whom we might name. Nothing must stand in the way of commerce. It will brook no opposition, and every activity of life must be laid under contribution to fill its capacious maw. The surface of the earth is being

rapidly changed by its resistless march, and some of the most magnificent portions of nature's handiwork are in the act of passing to satisfy its greed. Commercial vandalism has even laid its icy hand upon Niagara Falls-that marvel of beauty and grandeur -and turned it into a cash register. We appreciate the lament of the Toronto Globe in which it forecasts the day when "the cataract of Niagara will be chasing its tail in a turbine wheel like a caged squirrel." It also speaks of the possibility of that mighty waterfall being so manipulated by some corporation that it could announce "that the Niagara Falls would be turned on from 8 A. M. to 10:30 P. M. on a certain day, when excursionists would have an opportunity of seeing the great wonder of nature in its original condition." The whole machinery of commerce is overstrained, and we are not surprised that it breaks about every twenty years. Is it any marvel that so many of our young men are swept from their moorings into this whirlpool of commercialism? And as materialism and commercialism are so close akin we are not surprised that the youth of our land are looking "at the things which are seen rather than the things which are not seen."

Bolton Hall, the social economist, in his parody on Solomon's sayings advises thus: "Get wisdom (the craft of the hand), get knowledge (the training of the mind), and with all thy getting get a monopoly. Spiritual understanding will only stand in your way; for worldly success under present social conditions can be achieved only at the cost of your fellow men." While we may be slow to believe that a "spiritual understanding" will stand in the way of worldly success, we do know that in the majority of cases worldly success stands in the way of spiritual development. Because of this fact the Word of God is neglected and the family altar deserted in many homes. This dominating spirit of commercialism is largely responsible for much of the Sabbath desecration which is so widely prevalent. Human greed is not satisfied with the profits of six days a week; it must prostitute the seventh day for worldly gain. Though in some of our states the laws to protect the Sabbath are admirable, but few Christian people will see that they are enforced. "Works of necessity" is a term which "covers a multitude of sins," and under its cover work of all kinds is being done.

They must keep the repair shop open, lay tracks, string electric wires, load and unload vessels, run the supply stores. As for the saloons, they have the right of way and are a law unto themselves. Sports of all kinds must be permitted. The Sunday newspapers invade the home, and the Sunday trains disturb the worship of the sanctuary. How far this spirit affects the life of the church itself it would be difficult to determine. Not infrequently a monetary valuation is put upon the services of the minister. Hence the question, "What is his drawing power?" "Can he fill these empty pews?" If he can, that means increased revenue with which to pay the salary. If not, another man must be canvassed. The question of soul-saving and the enlargement of our Lord's kingdom is one of minor importance. No doubt, too, this has much to do with the passing of the ministerial college president and the placing of a layman in his stead. Formerly it was thought that none was so well fitted for a college presidency as was the right stamp of a clergyman. True, he must have scholarship, administrative ability, and, above all, a consecrated personality which would impress itself upon the students and influence them to a Christian life. Now they seek after a man of affairs, one who can command the changed situation. To keep pace with the demands of the times new buildings must be erected, new departments must be organized, and the endowment fund greatly increased. For all this material development the contention is that the layman is better qualified than the minister. Since the smaller gifts of the people are not sought for as they once were, the millionaire has become a necessity to our educational work, and who is so well calculated to manipulate the millionaire as the president of large business qualifications? Whether the new departure will prove our weal or woe will depend on how much emphasis is put upon the weightier matters of a great university-such as the moral and spiritual development of the students. In this connection it may be well to note a similar change in our great metropolitan papers. The public press has not escaped the touch of commercialism. Once our great dailies took the lead and molded public opinion, while now, by their own confession, they are run to reflect public opinion. Formerly many of these papers were known far and near by the names of their

masterful editors, as Greeley's Tribune, Raymond's Times, and Bennett's Herald. So it was in other large cities. The names of these papers are retained, but few outside of newspaper circles know who the editors are. A great business manager is in these days deemed of more importance than the editor-in-chief. In the days agone these papers had convictions on moral questions and had the courage of their convictions; they "spoke as one having authority and not as a scribe" (that is, a scribbler). The potent factor now in the public press is the man who can so finance the concern as to produce large dividends. When the newspaper industry, which claims a capital of $200,000,000, is run for revenue only, and not as an educative force, it comes down to the level of any other legitimate money-making machine.

As we broaden our vision we discover the reign of commercialism very marked in our national life. And this, too, with the commendation of everyone who would see the fullest development of our material wealth, which means so much in the betterment of our people. Already we stand abreast with any of the European nations, and far in the lead of most. Not only are our agricultural, mineral, and commercial resources practically inexhaustible, but the business tact and push of the American people are such as to make us the easy and successful competitors of any other on the globe. However, this very fact may be our danger point, in that it may blind us to those very factors which are indispensable to our national existence. Whenever the time shall come, if come it does-which may God avert!-when we shall forget that "righteousness exalteth a nation" and that "sin is a curse to any people," then will our national life begin to wane. To the observant and conservative there is a trend of public affairs that bodes no good. "The impression prevails," said Mr. Corliss last year in reporting to the House of Representatives the resolution in favor of electing senators by direct vote of the people, "that it is as difficult for a poor man to be elected to the Senate of the United States as for a rich man to enter the kingdom of heaven." So that, while it is easy for the rich man to secure laws by which he may add yet other millions to his wealth, it becomes correspondingly difficult for the poor man to secure any legislation in his own interest.

This dominant spirit of commercialism is in evidence on state occasions and in official documents. When President McKinley was assassinated one of our leading Methodist weeklies' published under the caption of "A Trinity of Immortal Documents" the Farewell Address of Washington, Lincoln's Address at the dedication of Gettysburg Cemetery, and the address of William McKinley at the Pan-American Exposition. In comparison of these documents we find food for reflection. Washington's Farewell Address is much the longest of the three and covers a great deal of ground. But while it points out many things of gravest import it does not fail to exalt the moral above the material. Among other good things he says:

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

Many other extracts could be cited from this address along the same line of thought, but this will do as a fair sample. In Mr. Lincoln's speech, though very brief, we find the highest ethical teaching. Hear him:

It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us-that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion: that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain-that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom-and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

As we read again the last public utterance of President McKinley we find it graceful, rhetorical, and logical, setting forth some of the great commercial factors which enter into our national life, yet, strangely enough, he fails to speak of any of those moral forces that have made us great and without which our national structure

'The Christian Advocate, New York.