-I supposedly took place in the May 1 DGB demonstrations.
-I am supposedly a member of the labor union.

-I am supposedly a member of the Turkish Left.

In addition to the above, I was to have supposedly put down on a sheet of paper provided by Hikmet Sereflioglu (political police official), the names of existing left organizations in Hatay before and after the coup. I was urged to add

my name to one of the named organizations.

I was threatened

with not leaving the police's rooms alive should I not enter

my name with one of the leftist organizations listed. -This was apparently a rule for all detainees.

After about two weeks of detention the written accusations

which the officials had formulated on two pages, were set
in front of me. Complete reproaches made were devoid of any
Since I denied all of these reproaches, and yet

truth.

a charge was supposed to be fabricated, I was subjected to torture by electric shocks.

I was once again brought into a room, this time the floor was wet, and once again a tire was placed around my head and across my right arm, then electrical wire was attached to my ears, nose, penis, and toes. Electricity was conducted in erratic intervals. I was

very often unconscious as a result.

In order to revive, me cold water was constantly poured over me,

three hours to sign the prepared confession, otherwise I

would be killed and my corpse would be found in a sack in the

mountains of Antakya.

Since I had to take this threat seriously and could not endure the torture any longer, I signed without having read or acknowledged the contents. After this, the always boastful scriptwriting Hikmet Sereflioglu, explained to me that he had written what would surely guarantee me years behind bars.

As concerns the torture by the police, all of the members of the political police were participants. By name, I know of:

Hikmet Sereflioglu: Torturer and writer of my "confession"

During the approximately fifty days of police detention, I

was brought twice at my own request, to the hospital in Antakya and presented to a physician there. The physician took no notice of my grave injuries, but instead gave me some aspirins. In contrast to the usually observed practice, my name was not entered in the registry, due to the fact that I was accompanied by two heavily-armed police officials.

After being held in solitary detention, I was brought to the

military prison near Iskenderun, in which there were over three-hundred prisoners, although the prison was only built for a capacity of eighty political prisoners.

Upon arrival,

the newcomers were systematically treated as follows:

-all prisoners had to stretch-out their hands.
-the soldiers standing opposite them struck them on the
palms of their hands with rubber truncheons.

-After that, the prisoners had to lay on the wet floor on
their stomachs, whereupon the soldiers proceeded to beat
and stamp on the collective bodies.

other rooms,

In the room into which I was brought, which resembled all of the
there were 46 prisoners, half on beds; in order to
sleep, it was necessary for them to lie criss-cross on two beds.
There were torture sessions every day, all day long. Every day
there were lectures on military drills, entailing the following:
marching in unison, singing to these marches with strong national-
istic wording, recitations of political slogans, learning by
heart of the Military's mistakenly interpreted principles of mtaturk,
indoctrination, and military sports.

The charges were pressed through the military authorities in Afana, with
the contention that I was a member of the arxist/ eninist,
illegal organization "TKP/ML-partisan", which had the goal of
overthrowing the state's existing economic and social order,
in other words, the political and legal foundation of the state
altogether.

Three proceedings took place, I was only allowed to be present for one of them. Two German delegations observed my trial. On March 29, 1983 I was aquitted.

1 M. Ataturk, founder (1923) of Turkey.

After my aquittal, I was constantly threatened.

I was

shown files which detailed activities undertaken in West Germany on my behalf, including interviews, and in addition a cript of a radio broadcasted interview). Particular torturers were perverse, to such an extent, that when they encountered

me in my hometown, would invite me to tea in order to findout if I recognized them and how I was presently disposed.

trans

Without any basis, I was definitively denied permission to leave the country.

Mr. YATRON. Thank you very much, Mr. Buz. Our next witness is Prof. Thomas Gouttierre.

STATEMENT OF THOMAS GOUTTIERRE, PROFESSOR, CENTER FOR AFGHANISTAN STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA AT ОМАНА

Mr. GOUTTIERRE. I'm speaking today about Afghanistan. I think most people in the United States are familiar with what's going on in Afghanistan in terms of a war of resistance there.

We hear little in the United States about what is going on in Afghanistan, either from a political perspective or in terms of violations of human rights. Indeed, what's going on inside Afghanistan today is a systematic practice of torture for the purpose of intimidating the Afghan people to cease their heroic resistance against Soviet occupation.

This kind of practice is something we call migratory genocide. I think that we are well aware of the fact that the refugee problem involving Afghanistan is the largest in the world today. People are leaving Afghanistan because they are being intimidated by the Soviet occupation forces there.

They are being intimidated in a number of ways. I think it's interesting to point out that when some people write about the U.S. experience in Southeast Asia in the 1960's and 1970's, they write about how the United States sought to win the hearts and minds of the Vietnamese people, so there would not be prolongation of the

war.

But I don't think there's any such obstacle to the Soviet policy in Afghanistan today. It is not difficult to obtain examples of torture in Afghanistan. There are many people available today in camps throughout Pakistan, there are people in the United States who are here as refugees who have experienced these violations of human rights.

All Americans who have served in Afghanistan have friends who have been tortured or killed in prison. I myself am able to recall two individuals, in particular. One individual, who worked in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and who, because he was thought to

have information, was tied to a chair. His limbs were chopped off one by one until he eventually died sitting in a chair limbless, not having confessed to anything.

Another individual, a close friend of mine from Kabul University, was a member of a human rights group at Kabul University. He was imprisoned and when he came to appear before a court, he was found to be both blind and deaf. He was asked to give testimony against a fellow member of the faculty at Kabul University. He said that he had nothing to say against this individual and that he was innocent. And this is the last anybody has heard of my friend, Habib Hallah.

There is, in addition to individual torture being practiced in Afghanistan, a kind of group torture which I think the Soviets are using primarily as a reprisal for individuals expressing their opposition to the Soviet occupation of their country.

One just occurred in the last 10 days in an area of Kabul called Taimani Wat. A group of Soviet soldiers came into that area, which is a very highly populated area of Kabul, at a bus stop began spraying gunfire into an area. It was said this was in reprisal for the fact that the previous evening the resistance in Afghanistan had killed seven Soviet soldiers in that region.

age

There were three young Afghan women less than 15 years of and even an Afghan military person who was with the current Afghan regime, and 11 other Afghans who were killed in that violation of their human rights.

In addition, in the small town of Istalif, which is northwest of Kabul, and which has been accused by the Soviet occupying forces of being a center of the resistance in Afghanistan, after 2 weeks of sustained carpet bombing in that particular town, Soviet soldiers went into that town and slit the throats of 230 women and children and left them dying in the snow. This occurred last winter in this town of Istalif, which is a town famous for its pottery for hundreds of years.

This kind of torture that I've mentioned, is very common. I've mentioned individual and group torture, but I think it should be understood that in Afghanistan, whatever is going on, is at the direction of the Soviet occupying forces.

They utilize an organization called Khad which stands for Khidaamati Ittila'aatyl Dowlati. This particular organization is made up of Afghans who are employed by the regime and who are trained in the Soviet Union and who are in charge of the Secret Service of Afghanistan.

They have eight detention and torture centers around the capital city of Kabul alone. These are usually in homes that were confiscated from previous members of the Afghan Government, individuals who may have fled Afghanistan. In these centers, individuals are brought and held and subjected to torture.

I think it would be interesting to point out to this group that Afghans are signators to the article V of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and also to article VII of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Moreover, torture is forbidden by articles 29 and 30 of the Fundamental Principles of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. These principles are meant to act