many of the leading men in America, and the work seems to have acquired an extensive circulation, mainly owing to his ability. His purpose, in coming to America, had been to open a school for the instruction of young ladies in certain branches of knowledge:* from this we may conclude he was diverted by his connection with Mr. Aitkin. He had up to this time no thought of political writing indeed he says that he believed he should never have been known to the world as an author out for the affairs of America. In early life he had no disposition for "what is called politics,"† regarding them merely as a species of "jockey-ship," in which was no material for improvement, in which an honest man was sure to be deemed "impracticable." We have given, however, sufficient evidence of his early detection and detestation of wrong, whatever guise it might assume. The masterfeeling is apparent in his child-like thoughts upon religion, and in his first literary attempt in behalf of his brethren of the excise. These afford clear indications of his character: opportunity alone was wanting. Opportunity there was none in England, then grovelling fast-bound in ignorance, and unresisting and degrading serfdom: but the upstarting of America called him forth; and the man was ready to work out his destiny. Common Sense was written in the close of the year 1775, and published on the 1st of January, 1776.§

*Letter from Dr. Rush, quoted by Rickman, p. 49.

† Age of Reason. Ibid.

"This pamphlet appeared at the commencement of the year 1776," says Richard Carlile," and electrified the minds of the oppressed Americans. They had not ventured to harbor the idea of independence, and they dreaded war so much as to be anxious for reconciliation with Britain. One incident which gave a stimulus to the pamphlet Common Sense was, that it happened to appear on the very day that the King of England's speech reached the United States, in which the Americans were denounced as rebels and traitors, and in which speech it was asserted to be the right of the legislature of England to bind the Colonies in all cases whatsoever! Such menace and assertion as this could not fail to kindle the ire of the Americans, and Common Sense came forward to touch their feelings with the spirit of independence in the very nick of time."-Eckler.

CHAPTER II.

A

A REVOLUTION.

BRIEF account of the commencement of the American Revolution is almost indispensable for the proper appreciation of the importance of Paine's first great work, at the time of its publication.

So early as the year 1764, at the beginning of the reign of George III., the longest, and, perhaps the most disastrous in British annals, the selfish policy of Great Britain had sown the seeds of offence, by vexatiously interfering with the trade of her North American colonies. By an act passed in September of that year, the longaccustomed and beneficial trade between the British colonists and the French and Spanish settlements was loaded with such heavy duties, that it amounted to a prohibition; and a clause of the same act prescribed that all offenders against its provisons should be tried in the Admiralty Court, where they were deprived of trial by jury. Yet more offensive was the preamble of this legislative injustice, in which the House of Commons laid claim to a right of taxing the colonies for the service of the mother country :-"Whereas it is just and necessary that a revenue be raised in America, for defraying the expenses of defending, protecting, and securing the same, We, the Commons, &c., towards raising the same, give and grant unto your Majesty, &c." This was followed by a resolution of the English Parliament, "that it may be proper to charge certain stamp duties in the said colonies and plantations." When intelligence of this resolution reached America, the colonists were filled with

alarm, and petitions and remonstrances were hurried to the foot of the throne: these petitions were utterly disregarded. The Stamp Act was passed: and the colonies, emphatically denying the power of the British Senate to tax them, proceeded to organize methods of resistance. The Assembly of Virginia led the way, in a series of spirited resolutions denouncing the encroachment and all its supporters. These resolutions were promptly responded to by the other States: and on the 6th of June, 1765, the Assembly of Massachusetts invited the other colonial legislative bodies to send deputies to a general congress to be holden in New York, on the second Tuesday of October, to deliberate on the measures rendered necessary by existing circumstances. The representatives of nine States met; and agreed upon a declaration of rights, and a statement of their grievances; and also drew up petitions to the king and both houses of parliament. Similar steps were taken by the other States, prevented by their respective governors from sending deputies to the congress. The first of November, the day on which the Stamp Act was to come into operation, was ushered in throughout the States, by the funereal tolling of bells. This particular tax had been chosen under the idea that the legal nullity of all transactions in which the prescribed stamps were not used would ensure its working but not a stamp was bought to legalize any contract; no notice was taken of the act, save its burning. in public amid the execrations of the indignant multitude. The colonists pledged themselves not to import any articles of British manufacture, till the repeal of the act ; and an association was formed to oppose its operation by force. This last resistance was not needed: the stoppage of trade brought such distress upon the British manufacturers and merchants, that the government, besieged by remonstrances, was compelled to rein in its violence; and the obnoxious act was repealed, in the commence

JOEL BARLOW'S VIEW OF THOMAS PAINE.

(Extract from Barlow's Letter to James Cheetham.)

Τ

HOMAS PAINE as a visiting acquaintance and as

a literary friend, the only points of view in which I knew him, was one of the most instructive men I ever have known. He had a surprising memory and brilliant fancy; his mind was a storehouse of facts and useful observations; he was full of lively anecdote, and ingenious original, pertinent remark upon almost every subject.

He was always charitable to the poor beyond his means, a sure protector and friend to all Americans in distress that he found in foreign countries. And he had frequent occasions to exert his influence in protecting them during the revolution in France. His writings will answer for his patriotism, and his entire devotion to what he conceived to be the best interest and happiness of mankind.

I am, sir, &c.,

JOEL BARLOW.

Kalorama, August 11, 1809.