CHAPTER X.

SOCIAL DUTY OF THE CLERGY.

THE Church Congress of 1887 was signalized by a new departure. The principal paper on the subject of Socialism was written by a bishop, and one of the most prominent Socialists in London, a leading member of the Social Democratic Federation, Mr. Champion, was permitted to take part in the discussion, a permission which received the cordial approval of the meeting, when asked to express its opinion to that effect by the Bishop of Lichfield, whose concluding words were these: "The greatest philanthropists had come, not from the ranks of Socialism, but from the ranks of the Christian Church."

Now, although the introductory paper of the Bishop of Derry was on the whole conceived in the spirit of discriminating sympathy with the objects of Socialism, and although it contained such concessions as these, that "the sentiment and aspiration of Socialism are distinctly Christian;" that "every Christian is a bit of a Socialist, and every Socialist a bit of a Christian; that "Socialism only exists in Christian countries; " and that "the spirit and aspiration of Socialism has a Christian aspect;"-yet the impression produced by all this on the Socialist mind was far from favourable.

In an early number of Justice, the organ of the Social Democratic Federation in England, the subject was alluded to in an article under the title "Church and People," and from it we give the following extract, containing the introductory and concluding remarks of the article, to show the difficult position of the clergy, created no doubt partially by faults of their own order in the past, but still more so by the unreasonable attitude of the Socialist body, as represented by their principal spokesmen, and requiring on the part of the clergy that sweet reasonableness inculcated in the example of Him their Master :

"The Church Congress has been in session and has discussed a number of things, among others the relation between the Church and Socialism. The only practical result of these discussions has been to show that the Church, as an organization, is entirely out of sympathy with the popular movements and aspirations of to-day, and that its dignitaries and ministers, with the exception of a small minority-so small indeed that its activity alone redeems it from insignificance-are not prepared to do anything to alter this, and are to be reckoned among the worst enemies of the people. There is undoubtedly much to be said for Christianity from a Socialist point of view; the brotherhood and equality of man we have always regarded as fundamental doctrines of the Christian Creed; but we have nothing to do with theology in these columns, what we are concerned to point out is that the Church is against us, and that clericalism is still the enemy."

*See Justice, October 10, 1887. The above is further illustrated by the following, taken from the Times of last year:-" CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIALISM.-The Rev. W. Probyn-Nevins having urged on Mr. Hyndman the necessity of disconnecting English Socialism with the anti-Christian Socialism of Germany and France, and also suggesting that the leaders should jointly memorialize the London clergy to help and collect funds for

Thus social agitators, political pamphleteers, and the organs advocating the labourers' cause in the press, are all severe in their criticism of the attitude supposed to have been taken up by the clergy of the National Church towards the working people. It shows that the day has come for clergymen to decide what is their position and what are their duties in the presence of the great social question of the day.

For the clergy of the Church of England are a body of men whose lives and whose work are so intimately blended with the life and work of the nation, that it is impossible for them to hold aloof from a great social movement without endangering considerably their own individual position, and jeopardizing the prestige and influence for good of the Church to which they belong. They are not a mystic priesthood, separated from the people by impassable barriers, nor a sacerdotal caste with special interests of their own apart from the interests of the community at large. They are a citizen clergy, appointed, indeed, for the express purpose of performing spiritual functions, but by no means excluded thereby from the totality of national life. As integral parts of the social nexus they are influenced by, and influencing in return, the social movements around them. As ministers and men, therefore, they have social duties to

the distress, has received the following letter:-‘10, Devonshire-street, Portland-place, W., Jan. 21. Dear Sir,-We Social Democrats have found that the ministers of religion in the metropolis, as elsewhere, with a few honourable exceptions, side with the rich and against the poor. This being so, I for one should consider any such memorial from us quite out of place and useless. Social Democrats are no more anti-Christian than anti-Mahomedan, anti-Buddhist, or anti-Confucian. Christianity, as seen in this country, is merely the chloroform agency of the confiscating classes. Consequently the workmen are daily turning more and more against its professors. Yours faithfully, H. M. HYNDMAN. The Rev. W. Probyn-Nevins.””

perform towards the laity of all classes. As followers of Him whom the common people heard gladly, and whose gospel was pre-eminently the gospel of the poor, they owe a special debt to the working classes.

What are these duties?

In the first place we would suggest what are those duties towards "the people" before being brought into actual contact with the clergy, i.e. our preliminary duties in connection with the amelioration of their condition, and in the impending settlement of present difficulties arising from their struggle for material improvement. The first duty is to divest our minds of all class prejudices and unfair leanings to either side, so as to be able to take up the position of peace-makers between the contending parties-in short, we must be perfectly impartial.

Besides this negative duty to secure candid neutrality there is the positive obligation of mutual sympathy with rich and poor. In order to become true, judicious, and, therefore, influential mediators between two exasperated opponents, whose judgment is blinded by passion and warped by self-interest, we must possess not only a cool head but also a warm heart, a right judgment in all things, together with the glow of genuine kindliness and expansive humanity. Thus we may win the affections and gain the respect of both the contending parties, be they at variance with or without a cause.

From general observation, especially among the country clergy, we should be inclined to say, admitting many exceptions, that the manner and method in dealing with the working classes on the part of the clergyman is very often either that of overbearing dictatorial pomposity, or that of softly soothing mildness and goodnatured imbecility. The former tries to allay discontent

by main force, the latter by bland speeches; the first is resented with bitter scorn, the last is dismissed with a contemptuous smile, and both succeed in alienating the masses of the people-those very people on whose suffrages, ultimately, will depend (humanly speaking) the continuance of the Church of England as established by law.

The real secret of success in the performance of our duty towards the working classes lies in our approaching them as fellow-men and fellow-Christians, without pride or prejudice, but with loving candour and genuine sympathy; to listen to their grievances, to understand their peculiar trials, to examine their statements with a firm resolution to support any just cause, and with unbiased judgment to reject all unwarrantable pre

tensions.

If this is the proper disposition of mind and heart before actual intervention, what, in the next place, are the principles to guide us when brought into immediate relations with the working classes in our semi-social capacity?

This subject divides itself into three heads, as touching the body, heart, and mind-the material privations, the sentimental grievances, and the mental destitution of the labouring people.

1. With the growing wealth and industry of our age, and the increased indulgence among the rich in luxury and prodigality as a compensation for "life at high pressure "in the present day, we need not wonder that the labourers should be equally desirous of improving their temporal well-being, and so demanding a larger share in the enjoyments of life. The clergy are always ready, as in duty bound, to remind the working classes of their spiritual interests. There is a danger, however, of