CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM.

CHAPTER I.

THE THEORY OF CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM.

No attempt will be made in this chapter to offer anything like a new theory of Christian Socialism. Our intention is simply to collect into one point of view the main principles underlying the various efforts made from time to time for the purpose of obviating social discrepancies, or adjusting existing social arrangements on a distinctly Christian basis. Such an abstract of the leading ideas of Christian Socialism, illustrated by modern. examples of Christian Socialism at home and abroad, without pretending to be a strictly scientific theory, may yet at the same time present a tolerably accurate view of the general tendencies of Christian Socialism; and, as such, may stimulate inquiry and quicken interest in the religious aspect of a movement of undoubted European notoriety. We use the word "theory" in its primitive signification of-0ɛwpia, viewing; not in the sense in which the late Professor Jevons calls his treatise "The Theory of Political Economy," but rather in the sense in which a celebrated living German economist, Von

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Scheel, calls his own valuable contribution to the study of modern socialism-"The Theory of the Social Question." This will enable us to touch upon some of the most conspicuous methods which have been of late suggested for the adaptation of the theory (which, making allowance for historical development and expansion, may be said to be conterminous with Christianity and coeval with the Christian Church) to the needs of the age. Both the importance recently assumed by Socialism and the atheistic proclivities of its principal exponents render such an inquiry desirable, if not imperative. To bring the two facts into juxtaposition, we may quote, in the first place, from the January number (1884) of To-Day, which is the accredited organ of Scientific Socialism in England, the following remarkable passage, closing a general survey of the "Revolution of To-day."

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'In five years we reach the date of 1889. Two hundred years before saw the middle-class monarchical revolution of 1689 in England; a century later came the first outbreak of the French Revolution of 1789. That year 1899 will be celebrated by the workers in every industrial city throughout the civilized world as the time for a new and strenuous effort. . . to conquer for the mass of mankind complete control over steam, electricity, and the other forces of nature, which the progress of science is placing at the command of the race. The development of these forces, and the influence which they exert on the peoples of the world constitute the real revolution of To-day. It is for us to take full account of their action, to educate our countrymen around us to a knowledge of their growth, and to organize, without rest and without haste, that certain victory of the people which shall be the revolution of To-morrow."

We might give pages of extracts from the Socialist papers of the Continent, all joyously re-echoing this

sentiment of eager hopefulness and undoubting faith in the speedy triumph of Social Democracy. In fact, the progress of the movement in this country is hailed everywhere as the harbinger of a new era; for England, being regarded as the citadel of capitalism, the victory of Socialism, it is thought, cannot be far off when the most powerful stronghold of individualism begins to show signs of yielding.

The same number of To-Day contains another article under the title of "Christianity and Capitalism "-" the two curses of our time"-in which we are clearly given to understand that the extinction of the one necessitates the disappearance of the other; and that although "socialism has nothing to do with religion or irreligion," yet in a socialist state a monopoly of creed can no more be tolerated than a monopoly in land. In this curious conjunction of Scientific Socialism and fervid atheism, we see a complete change of front in the tactics of the revolutionary party. The New Testament is no longer appealed to as the text-book of democracy, and Christ is no longer hailed as the "bon sans culotte," or true friend of the people, which was the fashion in times gone by. On the contrary, we are told that "the cross, once a symbol of suffering, is now a symbol of slavery." Thus the most outspoken champions of the Socialist movement are bitterly opposed to the Christian faith (which, in their opinion, keeps the masses in bondage), whilst the efforts of Christian Socialism are denounced by them as a religious move dictated by sinister motives. In view of this change in the mutual relations of Socialism proper and Christianity, it becomes a serious question whether it is possible to establish any theory whatever of Chris-. tian Socialism; and the first step taken by its representatives now is to make good its right for existence.

Thus Le Play, at once one of the most noble-minded and the most tolerant of Christian Socialists, says somewhere that the general complexion of European thought leaves no room for doubt that religion (and by this he means Christianity) remains the first requisite of humanity, and that nations living under a liberal régime like ours must be brought back to it, not only by Divine grace, but also from a desire of their own well-being. There can be but little doubt of the existence of this general wish in the present day. A large body of thinking men watch with alarm the threatened collision between the forces of Individualism and Socialism, and, without pretending to be thorough-going advocates or antagonists of the one or the other, they feel the need of a stronger spiritual force to control both in such a manner as to avert the impending social war. They naturally turn to Christianity as the parent of a moderate Individualism; for Christianity first secured to each unit of the ancient society its personal freedom, and the Christian idea of society is that of an aggregate of responsible individuals. They also turn to the same spiritual system for the power of repressing the excesses of Individualism by its no less accentuated enforcement of social duty as opposed to selfish isolation, since the doctrine of European Altruism is one of the noblest offshoots of Christianity.

Again, one of the peculiar characteristics of modern Socialists is their unblushing confession of purely materialistic views of life. This inspires both philosophers and economists with fear for the maintenance of our modern culture in view of the threatened incursion of these "Huns and Vandals of the Europe of the future." But Christianity is a spiritual system, and, as such, emphatically teaching ideal views of life. As of old it was said of Christianity, in its relation to the rude

invaders of Europe, that it conquered the conquerors; so, according to our theory, the heroes of the faith are again to become the saviours of society. A temporary divergence, if not divorce, between faith and reason has brought about that anti-theological bias of which Herbert Spencer speaks as the serious cause of modern misapprehensions of theology and mistakes in sociology. It may send the extreme section of Socialistic Radicalism into the dead sea of atheism; but the bulk of the party, that is the main body of the working population influenced by socialistic ideas, will not finally break with earlier traditions; whilst the more thoughtful leaders among them will remember that nothing but a powerful spiritual principle, which takes hold of the entire man, is capable of producing a thorough revolution, politically, socially, and morally, such as the realization of the social ideal implies, and that Christianity contains the principle in question.

Still, not a few who see in this a raison d'être for Christian Socialism in the abstract, have their doubts as to the possibility of working it out practically with the available materials and instruments. Christian ministers, especially of the Established Church, it is said, have allowed themselves to be degraded into a branch of the civil service. They are now a "spiritual police," paid for preaching contentment to empty stomachs, and administering "spiritual narcotics" to restless spirits who would otherwise turn the world upside down. Hence the alienation of the masses and the scornful contempt of religion in their leaders. Let the "Black Dragoons," they say, be disbanded; and let the priests of humanity assume their spiritual functions.*

* See "Saul of Mitre Court," by J. W. Overton, p. 38, and passim. In France, and of late in England, Positivism has made great, and in some