the very first day that he took his seat, expressed a doubt as to his eligibility, and threatened an inquiry at no distant period.

Notwithstanding this, the member for Old Sarum took an active part in the debates. On the third day of his appearance, he supported the late Mr. Sturt in his motion relative to the Ferrol expedition, on which occasion he conducted himself with equal temper and ability. "He was astonished," he said, "that ministers should resist an inquiry relative to so gross and palpable a failure, at the very time when the house. appeared so ready to sit in judgment on the borough of Old Sarum, and the representative eligibility of an old priest!" He gaily inquired "what kind of contagious malady could be produced by his sitting among those who were pleased to call themselves the commons of England?" And asked, in a jocular strain, "whether a quarantine of more than thirty years was not sufficient to guard against the infection of his original character?"

On the discussion of the "Poor Relief Bill," originally proposed by the late duke of Bedford, he conducted himself not only with the most scrupulous decorum, but also proved, beyond contradiction, that he was well acquainted with

February 19, 1801.

the new theory of political economy. Instead of indulging in wild speculations, as had been predicted, he strenuously declared himself an enemy to every departure from established principles. "This measure shall not have my approbation," added he, "as it is calculated to create two different classes of poor: to wit, paupers receiving alms, and paupers released from the obligation of paying them. I am for increasing the price of labour to its due proportion to the necessaries of life; and I wish for the working classes to receive the full price of their earnings, not in the shape of alms, but of hire."

A scarcity at this particular period was felt all over the kingdom, and various schemes were proposed to alleviate the calamities of a partial famine, which was now thought to be approaching. When the house was occupied on a bill, introduced by Mr. Wilberforce, relative to the high price of provisions, Mr. Tooke arose after that gentleman, and spoke as follows:

"I am poorly qualified, and I can be little expected to deliver an opinion upon any agricultural subject. In a committee, however, it is not necessary to make a studied barangue,

and I shall now say a few words without fear of exposing myself.

"It appears to me, sir, that your committees, with very good intentions, do a very great deal of mischief. They want information, they want sagacity, they want foresight. Had I had the honour to have been a member during the last session of parliament, the poisoning, (for I cannot call it the brown bread bill,) the poisoning bill should have had my most strenuous opposition. The first parliament of the United Kingdom has given a favourable specimen of their talents for legislating, by making the repeal of it the first of their acts. Under the names of charity, humanity, and benevolence, it was cal culated to prove the ruin of thousands.

"All your measures have been of a similar stamp; far from producing any benefical effects, they are fruitful sources of mischief. Sir, it is idle now to think of keeping down the price of provisions: you cannot keep it down, and your aukward attempts will only make it rise the faster. Look back to the earliest times, and you see it constantly rising, and this cause continues to operate with increased force. It is in vain, then, to struggle with inevitable necessity. You will only heap abuse upon abuse. Remove the national debt, repeal the taxes, and then

you may hope to see things at a moderate price; but while you daily add to the amount of these, to entertain such a hope is madness. By this absurd and ineffectual attempt, the public distresses are rendered far more severe. The true friends to their country will allow things to rise in their natural course. By thus doing nothing, they will do every thing. They will avoid a thousand errors; they will save millions of lives.

Sir, in my humble opinion, however paradoxical it may appear, you ought to try to raise the price of every thing. This doctrine seems extraordinary, but it may be right for all that; and I shall be ever ready to defend it. Notwithstanding all that has been said, I am a great enemy to innovation. I hate innovation in all things, in church, in state, and in agriculture. My vital christianity teaches me to love every thing that is established. Do I examine the attachment I ought to have to any system or practice, I do not examine its intrinsic merits, but I say to myself-Is it established? Though a much better might be pointed out to me, still I think it ought to be adhered to, and that no rash experiment should be hazarded.

"These are my opinions-these have ever

been my opinions. I have long been in public life; I have spoken a good deal, and written still more. But let any one examine my speeches and publications with the greatest minuteness, and I defy him to show that I ever expressed a sentiment contrary to what I now utter. Those principles, sir, compel me to disapprove of this measure; I cannot consent to see the system of agriculture changed; I cannot consent to see a man obliged to pay a premium against himself. It makes little difference whether the people pay more for the potatoes, or pay an additional tax for a bounty to produce them. But it is idle thus to think of lowering the price.

"If you wish to promote the comfort of the poor, raise, as speedily as possible, the price of labour. It is far too low, and must soon rise in spite of you. Though not young, I am not very old, and within my recollection the price of labour has been trebled. Effects will still follow causes, and it must soon advance much further. Why then struggle against a necessity which no human power can controul, and no human ingenuity elude? Where will the storm fall? I allow it must at last fall somewhere, and I say it must fall upon the public creditor. A man lends one hundred pounds to government, and gets three per cent. for it. If the