on the other hand, this flourishing ftate of the navy was CHAP. utterly denied by the lords in oppofition, and precedents XVII. brought for the inquiry. The motion was loft by a majo. rity of 23 to 11 1778. The committee being resumed on the 2d of March, a March 2. new attack was made on the ministry by the fame nobleman, on the ground of the mifmanagements committed in the conduct of our naval affairs. He concluded a long speech on this fubject, with a string of refolutions, which, after a debate of fufficient length, were all rejected by a majority of 64 to 26. On the 12th of March, the bufinefs was again opened by the earl of Effingham, who attacked the miniftry onthe profufion and want of economy prevailing in the va rious departments of ftate; to prove which, he had already procured an order for papers and the attendance of witneffes: but though adminiftration did not pretend to controvert any of the estimates laid before them on this occafion, or question the authenticity of the facts, they concluded that it was neceffary to oppofe his refolutions, as well as every other on the fubject. They were therefore all fet afide by the previous queftion; upon which he propofed his concluding one, which was rejected by a majority of 35 to 17; and thus ended the inquiry into the ftate of the nation in the house of lords. : On 12. The American conciliatory bills paffed through the on the con house of lords with very little oppofition. Many confi- ciliatory dered them as extremely difgraceful to Britain and in- bills. deed it feemed to be the general opinion that they would not answer the purpose for which they were intended. The eager hope, however, of attaining the great point in view, fubdued all other confiderations, and prevented any great degree of oppofition. to the co March 17. The difcuffions on American affairs were not ended by On allowthe royal meffage concerning the declaration of France ing inde-. in favour of the colonies. Several of the moft refpectable pendence members in oppofition, and even fome of the oppofite lonies. party, confidered an immediate acknowledgment of the independency of the Americans, as not only the wisest, but the only measure now to be adopted, and which was capable of extricating us without ftill greater loffes, out of our prefent dangers and difficulties, with any profpect of advantage from our ancient colonies. Their independence, they faid, was not only already established, but had obtained fuch time to fix and fettle upon its foundations, that it appeared now too firm to be fhaken by our utmost efforts, even fuppofing it were left, without any foreign CHAP. fupport, merely to the exertions of its own internal XVII. ftrength. But, in that fituation, to form any hope of our being equal to its overthrow, under the acknowledgment 1778. and fupport of the house of Bourbon, was, they said, an idea only fit to be entertained by Bedlamites. On this occafion, lord Chatham made his last and most affecting speech in the house of lords. He had long been a prey to thofe incurable disorders which brought him to his grave, and, at this time, was fo exceedingly weak, that it was with the utmost difficulty he could be brought into the house. He delivered his fpeech, however, with extraordinary energy, and, in the moft pathetic manner, concluded with giving his hearty negative to the independence of America.* *"My lords," fays he," the times are alarming; the state, is, indeed, in danger! and nothing but the poor condition of my health could fo in parliament at this long have prevented me from attending to my duty, that although very important period. But advice is now fo "That our public affairs have, for fome years by-past, been shamefully managed, I have frequently endeavoured to convince your lǝrdfhips; and although I condemned the meafures which have for fome time been adopted by the majority of this house, yet I have been always against the independence of America, and never would fupport meafures carried on in unrecanted error; but after a full recantation of thefe erroneous measures, and after a repeal of all the oppreffive acts, it is the duty of every lover of his country, of every good citizen, to take care, while, on the one hand, he preferves the rights and privileges of the colonies, he does not, on the other, tarnish the luftre of his royal master's crown, nor fink the glory of the British nation. The tendency and plain language of the prefent motion is to difgrace our fovereign, and to bring reproach upon us as a nation. It is, in a manner, totally to annihilate this once-great empire. I chufe to speak out my fentiments, even though there may be danger in doing fo. I always hated referve; and never did approve of halting between two opinions, when there was no middle path to fteer with certainty. The perfidy of France ought to roufe us, and make us ftrain every nerve, open every vein, to preferve our national character, and to preferve us from being fcoffed and laughed at by foreigners. It is now abfolutely neceffary either to declare for peace or war; and when the former cannot be preferved with honour, the latter ought to be commenced without heCitation, What is life without reputation? And does that perfon deferve the name of a man, of an Englishman, who would not lay down his life to preferve the ancient dignity of his country? We may poffibly fail in the attempt, but ftill let us make an effort, one united effort, to prevent fuch national difgrace. If we fall in the attempt, Europe will at least be convinced, that we had as much virtue left as to fall like men. "But, it is faid, we ought to make peace with America on any terms, and bring home our troops in order to protect ourselves; in fhort, The duke of Richmond, after paffing the highest com- CHAP. pliments on the great fuccefs of lord Chatham's admini- XVII. stration, appealed to the noble lord himself if fuch fucceffes could be attained; even by the talents of a Chatham, that we fhould allow a foreign ambaffador infolently to tell us that his master had made a bargain for that commerce which was our natural right, and entered into a treaty with our own fubjects, without fo much as refenting it.-Merciful God! to what a low ebb must this once great empire be now reduced, when any of her fenators (pointing to the duke of Richmond) can raise up his head, and with a grave face openly hold forth fuch timid, fuch daftardly councils? This never was the language of Britain, and never fhall be mine.-What! can it be poffible that we are the fame people, who about fixteen years ago were the envy and admiration of all the world? Is not this England? --Is not this the fenate of Great Britain? And can we forget that we are Englishmen? Can we have forgot that the nation has flood the Danish irruptions---the Scotch inroad---the Norman conquests---the Spanish armada---and the various efforts of the Bourbon compacts? Of what then are we afraid? Why are we blinded by despair? Why should we fit down in ignominious tameness; and, with a defponding face, fay to France, "take from us what you will; take all we have; but do, pray, let us live and die in peace." Shame upon fuch difgraceful, fuch pitiful counfels! My God! How are we altered! What can have occafioned fo fudden an alteration? Is the king ftill the fame? I hope he is; but I fear there is fomething in the dark, fomething rotten near him; fomething lurking between him and his people, which has thus difmembered his empire, and tarnished his glory. But I trust that we still have refources, ftill have courage to punish the perfidy of France. Why then should we now give up all And that, too, without a blow; without an attempt to refent the infults offered to us ? If France and Spain are for war, why not try an iffue with them? For, I again fay, if we should fall in the attempt, let us fall decently; and if we cannot live with honour, let us die like men. Heaven forbid that we should be permitted to live one day for the purpose of making fcourges for our own backs! "At prefent I cannot point out the means for carrying on the war ; but I with to recall to your lordships remembrance, the extent and revenue of the crown when king George III. came to take poffeffion of it. Your lordships will then be fatisfied, that the internal refources of the kingdom are great. But I do deny, (pointing to the duke of Cumberland) that your lordships, fuppofing you were fo pufillanimous, have any right to vote away the inheritance of thirteen American provinces from the royal family. I revere the defcendants of the body of the princess Sophia, and befors I agree to the prefent motion, I will have the prince of Wales, the bishop of Ofnaburg, and the other rifing hopes of the royal blood, brought down to this houfe, to give their confent to giving up what they have a legal and natural right to expect to poffefs. Feeble and fhattered as I am, yet fo long as I have ftrength to raife myfelf on my crutches-fo long as I can lift my hand, or utter a fyllable, I will vote against the giving up the dependence of America on the fovereignty of Great-Britain. Even if I fhould ftand fingle, f will, to the last moment of my existence, vote against a measure fo dif honourable to my country. From my bad ftate of health, I am fenfible that my abilities are not now fuch as to infure fuccefs even to the best concerted measures; but I thall always be ready, when called upon, to give an honeft advice to my beloved fovereign. "I wage war with no fet of men, nor do I wish to get into any of their em ployments. I think the king has a right to chufe his own fervants; but if they fhall betray the truft repofed in them, I fhall always be for an inquiry into their conduct; and, if they are found guilty, I hope there is ftill fpirit enough in the mation to bring minifters to condign punishment. I trust in Gop, however, that his majesty will be directed to make a proper choice of his fervants. There ne VOL. V. G 3 1778. 1778. CHAP. unaffifted by circumftances. Could he obtain conquest XVII. without means, without an army, without a navy, without money, without a revenue, without credit? He begged leave to recall to the noble lord's memory, that, when he was called to the management of affairs, the empire was in a flourishing state; the finances were delivered to him in the highest state of improvement to which the abilities of a Pelham could raise them. The national debt was feventy millions lefs when he came to the helm than when he left it. Could any analogy be deduced from these times to the present? America was then with us; the is now against us. Our commerce was then extended and profitable; we have fince loft the most profitable branches of our trade. The African trade was diminished 1,400,000l. a year. Our merchant fhips were now deftroyed by thofe who then protected and employed them. We have loft fhipping to the value of 2,600,000l. in the contest with America, as had been proved at their lordfhips bar. Thefe were circumftances unknown in other times, and required new measures. The braveft princes, and the proudest states, have been obliged to temporize, and fubmit to circumstances; and this was a moment for us to imitate them. But, in fact, what was the fhocking humiliation? Acknowledge the independence of America, and you have no further quarrel with France. And what was the mighty difference between dependence and independence? It was a quarrel about words, a mere difference of founds: For, if we gave up taxation, if we gave up the appointment of governors, and other officers in the provinces, if we did not infift on keeping up a standing army there, they would only stand bound to us by inclination and interest, and the names of dependence and independence could only be defcriptive of the fame connection. He might be called daftardly and pufillanimous, for advising peace; but he would fhew his courage, by perfifting in the fame plan, in fpite of fuch painful and undeferved appellations; and he held himself amply jufti ver was a king who stood more in need of honeft and able minifters. But I feel my conftitution fails me. I am always much indebted to your lordships for your indulgence. If my health would permit, if my frail carcafe could be fupported, I could speak forever on this fubject, when the dignity of my king, and the honour of my country are at stake. The good of the nation is my fole ambition, and although I do earnestly pray for an honourable peace, yet I hope never to live fo long as to fee fuch difgrace brought on the kingdom as muft arife from a peace produced by pufillanimous counfels, which any peace with America, as independent ftates, muft be. I feel my mind agitated at the thoughts of it. My foul revolts. It fpurns at the idea of American independency; and therefore I will, on every occafion, give it a negative.' Here his lordship's fpeech was cut fhort by extreme weakness. 1778. fied in wishing to fave his country, by recommending a CHAP. pacification on any terms, when fo great a man as lord XVII. Chatham had publicly declared, he did not know the m means of faving it by making war. The ministers who had advised the violent measures against America, were the persons who had difinherited the prince of Wales and the bishop of Ofnaburg, and not those who recommended a falutary acquiefcence under the loffes which they had rendered inevitable, and which muft increase by resistance. funeral ho nours of Lord Chatham rofe to reply; but, after two or three unsuccessful attempts to stand, fell down in a swoon on his feat, where he was affifted by the duke of Cumberland, the earls Temple, Stamford, &c. After being conveyed out of the house, he seemed to recover a little, but continued in a languishing condition till the 11th of May, May 11. when he expired at his feat at Hayes, near Kenfington. Death and After his death both parties feemed inelined to make amends, by the honours they then paid to his memory, lord Chatfor the neglect with which he had been treated during hamn. the latter part of his life. His death was announced in the house of commons, late the fame evening, by colonel Barré, who, after a fhort eulogium on the deceased, and taking a flight sketch of the obligations which the nation owed to his public virtues and fervices, moved for an addrefs to his majefty for directions "that the remains of William Pitt, earl of Chatham, be interred at the public expenfe." The motion was feconded by Mr. Townsend, and feemed to receive a very general approbation. fre Notwithstanding the vaft effufions of forrow and gratitude now poured forth, it was, however, well known, that, for fome time paft, lord Chatham had been fo ungracious at court, that it was not even thought proper quently to mention his name there. A gentleman, (Mr. Rigby) at that time high in office, endeavoured, therefore, to get rid of the motion by a propofal, which, without conveying the ungracious and unpopular idea of directly oppofing the honour intended to the deceased, would, if adopted, tend greatly to leffen its effect. His propofal was, to erect a monument to his lordship's memory, which, he could not help thinking, would be a more eligible as well as a more lasting teftimony of the public gratitude, than merely to defray his funeral expenfes. This propofal, however, produced an effect directly contrary to what was intended. The oppofition received it with joy; but, inftead of the fubftitution propofed, they joined it to the original motion, in the following words: "And that a monument be erected in the Collegiate Church of St. |