CHAP. fucceed in the explanation of his own proposal, that he XI. acknowledged he had no expectation of its being well reun ceived by the generality of the Americans; but that, if 1775. it did no good there, it would in Britain: it would unite the people of England, by holding out to them a distinct object of revenue; and, as it united this country, would difunite America: that whatever province came firft to make a dutiful offer, would be kindly and gently treated; and if only one province accepted the offer, the whole confederacy would be broken.

fouthern colories.

By the members in oppofition this bill was reprobated in the moft violent manner. All their eloquence, however, was by no means fufficient to carry the point even here, when the minifter had been deferted by fome of his fauncheft friends. The bill was paffed by a majority of 274 to 88.

This bill was followed by another, feemingly of a contrary tendency, being a fupplement to the New-England Refraining fishery bill, and included these colonies which had been bill of the inferted in the amendment formerly mentioned. No debate of any confequence enfued on this fubject; but the difcuffion of another petition from the Weft-India planters, proved the means of rendering the importance of thefe iflands more generally understood than it had formerly been. From the evidence adduced at this time, it appeared that the capital in these islands, confifting of cultivated lands, buildings, negroes, and ftock of all kinds, did not amount to lefs than fixty millions sterling. Their exports of late years to Great-Britain had run to about 190,000 hogfheads and puncheons of fugar and rum annually; amounting in weight to 95,000 tons, and in value about four millions; befides a great number of fmaller articles, as well as their immenfe export to North-America. So rapid was the improvement of thefe iflands, that, within a very few years, their export of fugar to Britain had been increased by 40,000 hogfheads annually, amounting to near 800,000l. in value; and it feemed probable, that no lefs than thirty millions of WeftIndian property belonged to people in Britain; and that the revenue gained above 700,000l. annually upon the direct Weft-India trade, exclufive of its eventual and circuitous products, and of the African trade. It was alfo fully fhown, that this immenfe capital and trade, as well as the African, neither of which could fubfift without the other, were both from nature and circumftance totally dependent upon North-America.

This petition, as well as another from Waterford, is

XI.

1775. Mr. Burke and Mr.

Ireland, produced no good confequences. The minif- CHAP. terial plan was unalterably determined. Conciliatory motions were propofed by Mr. Burke and Mr. Hartley; but, whatever ingenuity might be displayed in the devifing and framing of thefe motions, very little regard was paid to them by adminiftration. The only thing remar- Hartley's kable was the immenfe value of North-America to Bri- conciliato. tain, as appeared from Mr. Burke's comparative view of y plans re jected. the trade of this country at different periods. From thence it was shown, that, in 1704, the exports to North-America, Weft-Indies and Africa, amounted only to 569,930l. That in the year 1772, which was taken upon a medium, as being neither the higheft nor the loweft of those which might have been applied to of late, the exports to the fame places, including thofe from Scotland, (which, in the year 1704, had no existence) amounted to no less than 6,024,1711. being in the proportion of nearly eleven to one. He alfo fhewed, that the whole export trade of England, including that of the colonies, amounted, at the first period of 1704, only to 6,509,000l. Thus, the trade to the colonies alone was, at the latter period, within less than half a million of being equal to what this great commercial nation carried on at the beginning of the prefent century with the whole world. And, ftating the whole export commerce of this country at prefent at fixteen millions, that to the colonies, which in the first period conftituted but one-twelfth of the whole, was now very confiderably more than one-third.

However astonishing this general increase of the whole colonies may appear, the growth of the province of Pennfylvania appeared ftill more extraordinary. In the year 1704, the whole exports to that colony amounted only to 11,4591. and in 1772 they were rifen to 507,5091. being nearly fifty times the original demand, and almo✩ equal to the whole colony export at the firit period.

city of

The conciliatory propofals of Mr. Burke and Mr. Hartley having proved ineffe&tual, feveral petitions were brought forward from the manufacturing towns in Great Britain, from the British fettlers in Canada, from the Petition Quakers, and at laft from the city of London, who, not- from the withstanding their bad fuccefs for a number of years London to paft, now ventured to approach the throne, with an ad- the king, drefs, petition, and remonflrance, as little calculated to April 10, obtain a favourable reception as any they had formerly made ufe of. As Mr. Wilkes was now lord mayor, the petition was of courfe delivered by him. Left the forward difpofition of that gentleman, however, fhould

#775:

CHAP. prompt him to imitate the example of Mr. Beckford, he XI. had been previoufly informed, that his majefty expected he would not speak to him; to which he replied, that the caution was needlefs, as he never expected or defired to have that honour. Next day, the lord Chamberlain wrote a letter to Mr. Wilkes, in which he acquainted him from his majefty, that he would not receive on the throne any addrefs, petition, or remonftrance, of the lord mayor and aldermen, but in their corporate capacity. This produced a long letter in anfwer from Mr. Wilkes; but the miniftry were too wife to enter into any conteft.

Towards the clofe of the feffion, Mr. Burke acquainNew-York ted the house, that he had received a paper of great impetition portance from the aflembly of New-York. It was in the refufed a form of a remonftrance, indeed, and complained of fe

hearing.

New-York

and Que

bec memo

rials re

jected.

veral acts of parliament, but was expreffed in very decent and refpectful language. This being the cafe, he said, that a mere miftake upon any one point ought not to prevent its being received, and accordingly moved, that it fhould be brought up. Lord North then moved an amendment to the motion, " that the faid affembly claim to themfelves rights derogatory to, and inconfiftent with, the legislative authority of parliament, as declared by an act of the 6th of his prefent majefty." This amendment was carried by a majority of 186 to 67; after which the queftion being put upon the amended motion, the petition was rejected without a hearing.

A fimilar fate attended a memorial from the affembly of New-York to the house of lords, introduced by the duke of Manchefter; another from the British inhabitants of Quebec, prefented by lord Camden; and a third from the inhabitants of Quebec at large. The only remarkable circumstances attending thefe, were the two royal brothers voting in the minority, and the animated fpeech fingham's of lord Effingham in the upper houfe, when he declared refignation. his refignation of the military command he held.*

Lord Ef

"I confefs," faid he, "I wish to avoid the difcuffion of our right to fuch a power as we are intending for, that is to fay, a power of taxing a fet of fubjects who are not reprefented amongst us, and who have full power to tax themselves in the ordinary and conflitutional manner. Was any particular province among the Americans to refufe grants of money in proportion to others, or to commit any act in abuse of their charters, I think that fupreme controuling power, which the province in queftion allows in its full extent would give us the charge, Ne quid detrimenti refpublica capiat: And in that cafe, my lords, almoft the whole empire would be united against the wrong-headed few, who would foon be brought to reafon. But I am fatisfied, that without fuch neceflity we have no more power of taxation in that country, than a Roman dictate had to begin his office with a declaration, that his power fhould

CHAP.

XI.

1775.

The feffion concluded with the paffing of the moneybills in the usual form. The speaker, in his address to the king, stated the heavinefs of the grants which, however, had been readily complied with, on account of the Conclufion particular exigence of the times; at the fame time affur- of the ing his majefty, that fhould the Americans perfift in fetlion. their refolutions, and thus render it neceffary to draw the fword, the commons would do every thing in their power to support the dignity of the British legislature.

be perpetual, and was neceffary in the ordinary bufinefs of government. Therefore, my lords, whatever has been done by the Americans, I muft deem it the mere confequence of our unjust demands. They have come to you with fair arguments; you have refused to hear them: they have made the moft refpectful remonftrances; you anfwer them with bills of pains and penalties. They know they ought to be free; you tell them they fhall be flaves. Is it then a wonder, if they fay in defpair, For the fhort remainder of our lives we fhall be free!" Is there one among your lordships, who, in at fiuation fimilar to that which I have defcribed, would not refolve the fame? If there could be fuch an one, I am fure he ought not to be here.

"To bring the hiftory down to the prefent feene-here are two armies in prefence of each other; armies of brothers and countrymen ; each dreading the event, yet each feeling that it is in the power of the moft trifling accident, a private difpute, a drunken fray in any public houfe in Boston, in short, a nothing, to caufe the fword to be drawn, and to plunge the whole country into all the horrors of blood, flames, and parricide!

"In this dreadful moment, a fet of men more wife and moderate than the reft, exert themfelves to bring us all to reason. They state their claims and their grievances; nay, if any thing can be proved by law and hiftory, they prove them. They propofe oblivion; they make the first conceffion. We treat them with contempt; we prefer poverty, blood, and fervitude, to wealth, happiness, and liberty.

"What weight thefe few obfervations may have, I do not know; but the candour your lordships have indulged me with, requires a confeffion on my part which may ftill leffen that weight. I must own, I am not perfonally difinterested.

Ever fince I was of an age to have any ambition at all, my highest has been to ferve my country in a military capacity. If there was on earth an event I dreaded, it was to fee this country fo fituated, as to make that profeffion incompatible with my duty as a citizen.

"That period is, in my opinion, arrived; and I have thought myself bound to relinquish the hopes I had formed, by a refignation, which appeared to me the only method of avoiding the guilt of enflaving my country, and embruing my hands in the blood of her fons.

"When the duties of a foldier and citizen become inconfiftent, I fhall always think myself obliged to fink the character of the foldier in that of the citizen, till fuch time as thofe duties fhall, by the malice of our real enemies, become again united.

"It is no fmall facrifice which a man makes who gives up his profellion; but it is a much greater, when a predilection, ftrengthened by habit, has given him fo ftrong an attachment to his profeffion as I feel. I have, however, this confolation, that by making that facrifice, E at leaft give to my country an unequivocal proof of the fincerity of my principles."