CHAPTER XIV.

The decline of Mahometan power.-Extent of the Arabian empire.-Causes which led to that extent.-Continuance of Mahometanism.- Decay of the empire. -What led to it.Spain revolts and sets up a separate caliph.-Africa.-Egypt.Bagdad.-Fall of the house of the Abbassides.-Sects of Mahometans.Orthodox.- Heretical. The intolerance of Maho

metanism.

THE first battle in which the Arabs tried their power against the disciplined forces of the Roman empire was the battle of Muta. Though on that occasion they were successful, it can hardly be supposed that the most sanguine would have ventured to predict that before the close of a century their empire would become more extensive than any former kingdom. It overthrew the power of the Romans, and rendered the successors of the prophet the mightiest and most absolute sovereigns on earth. Yet such was the fact.

Under the last monarch of the Ommiade house the Arabian dominion, except only a part of Africa not much known, and of but little account, included a compact dominion of six months' march of a caravan in length, and four in breadth, with innumerable tributary and dependent states. In the exercise of their prerogative the caliphs were unfettered by popular rights, by the votes of a senate, or by the laws of a free constitution; the Koran was their professed rule of action, but they alone were its interpreters, so that their will was law. The loss of Spain from the empire was more than made up by conquests in India, Tartary, European Turkey. Samarcand and Tim studied with equal devotion the langua

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ligion of the Koran, and at the temple of Mecca the Moor and the Indian met as brother pilgrims. Throughout the countries west of the Tigris the language of Arabia became the vehicle of popular intercourse, and though in Persia, Tartary, and Hindostan the native dialects continued in common use, the Arabic was the sacred language. The forms of worship and religion enjoined by Mahomet, were all but universal.

Before we advert to the decline of the Arabian empire a few sentences may be introduced as to the causes contributing to its unparalleled prosperity.

One of them has already been mentioned in the observations in chapter the second, on the condition of the Christian church in Syria, and the neighbouring countries at the time Mahomet commenced his career. The leading article of his faith, the unity of God, harmonized with what Jews and Christians universally contended for. He propounded this doctrine so as by excluding the Deity of Jesus Christ to fall in with the views of the greater number of the Christian sectaries. Mahomet, moreover, enjoined practices which in the then corrupting state of piety were beginning widely to prevail. To the untutored mind of a desert wanderer, his doctrine would have all the attractiveness which he might have heard of, as pertaining to Christianity; besides that having appeared to originate in his own land it would secure from him the greater attention. Systems in which truth and error have been combined are by no means unwillingly received, especially by those portions of mankind who are already superstitious and fanatical, and such we have seen was the

Arabian character. and juridical system was in general accordance with Asiatic opinions, it provided a paradise exactly adapted to the imagination and character of an Oriental-and as the superstitious are always rather worshippers of what awakens apprehension and appeals to fear, than what enkindles hope, his hell contributed more than his heaven to multiply disciples.

Mahomet's religious, moral,

Still had no appeal been made to arms, the Mahometan faith in all probability would have been confined to the deserts of Arabia. The whole of Asia was in a state of unprecedented military inactivity. Opportunity was thus afforded for the success of his enterprise. Empires were proverbially tottering and powerless in the seventh century, political wisdom almost disappeared, and to military talents and courage, all except the Arabs, were strangers. Previous contentions, as for instance those between the Persian and Byzantine empires, had entirely destroyed what little remains of internal vigour the governments might otherwise have had. Čivil revolts, tyranny, and extortion, sensuality, and sloth, annihilated the ambition of universal rule, which the Greek and Roman empires had cherished; and their provinces neglected or oppressed, became an easy prey to the Moslem yoke.

The more easily was this yoke imposed on the nations, when to the indomitable courage and fe rocity of the desert wanderer, the Saracens added those other features which make up a warlike character. They despised death, were self-denying and energetic to a degree far beyond the soldiers of civilized countries, while they were al

most equally familiar with military art. The lieutenants of the caliphs soon vied with Roman generals in skill, and it is not difficult to explain their almost uniform superiority, when we bear in mind the character of the armies they respectively commanded. Terror moreover, is epidemic; a successful force commonly finds its victorious progress aided by the prevailing notion of its prowess. Who has not witnessed in the wars of more disciplined troops the tremendous effect of a name?

It may be added to these remarks that the Saracen success is greatly attributable to that glowing and impetuous spirit of religious enthusiasm with which they fought. They deemed their cause the cause of God-heaven was engaged on their behalf, every one who fell in their wars was a martyr, cowardice was tantamount to apostasy.

In the eleventh and twelfth centuries and onwards the crusaders were enthusiastically resolved on extirpating Mahometanism, but their religious ardour did not exceed, if even it equalled that of the Arab troops, by whom that system had been originally propagated. Whatever secular principles and ambition influenced them, they took credit for fighting in support of truth and virtue. The sword and the Koran were equally the companions and instruments of their war. "The circumstance," says Paley in his admirable exhibition of the Evidences of Christianity,*" that Mahomet's conquests should carry his religion along with them will excite little surprise, when we know the conditions which he proposed to the vanquished: death or conversion was the only choice offered to idolaters. To the

* Vol. ii. § 3.

Jews and Christians was left the somewhat milder alternative of subjection and tribute, if they persisted in their own religion, or of an equal participation of the rights and liberties, the honours and privileges of the faithful, if they embraced the religion of their conquerors."

Literature was as little regarded in the days of Mahomet, as was pure and practical Christianity. His followers everywhere met with an ignorant, and easily deluded people. The monuments of science, and the means of freedom to the mind of man had been abolished by the barbarians of the north. Philosophy and the liberal arts found no patrons amongst indolent and luxurious emperors and nobility. Superstition, therefore, naturally took possession of the mind, and as neither fears nor hopes were moderated by knowledge, idle, unnecessary, and uncommanded ceremonies easily obtained currency. Mahomet only changed one set of ceremonies for another, and in this there was no difficulty, when in the almost universal darkness of mankind, terror and credulity prevailed.

The continuance of the religion of Mahomet in countries over which the Arab dominion ceased, may with equal ease be accounted for. "Every thing in Asia is a matter of regulation, and freedom of opinion being but little permitted or encouraged in the despotic government of the east, Mahometanism when once received became stationary. The human code is mingled with the divine, and the ideas of change and profanation are inseparable. As the unsettling of the political and social fabric might ensue from a change of modes of faith, all classes of men are interested