ordination of disarmament and development activities within the United Nations system, neither would receive the attention it richly deserves. Following the Romanian initiative of 1970 on "the economic and social consequences of the armament race and its extremely harmful effects on international peace and security" some useful studies have been made and these are shortly to be updated. Both the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council have also discussed the economic and social consequences of disarmament and the transfer to peaceful uses of the resources released by disarmament.

Lately, however, these discussions of the link between the Disarmament Decade and the Second United Nations Development Decade have been assuming an air of artificiality. I regret to note that this crucial issue was not even addressed by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) at its fourth session at Nairobi. The objective of operative paragraph 5 is to restore a balance of concern to these discussions and to emphasize the close and critical interrelationship between disarmament and development.

The last operative paragraph I should like to refer to is operative paragraph 7, which should not create any difficulties. The CCD has already decided to take action on this matter. The important thing is to bear in mind that if the CCD does adopt a comprehensive programme of work in the light of the objectives of the Disarmament Decade, it will enter into a new and productive phase. No one should deny it this prospect.

Warsaw Pact Proposal To Suspend the Induction of New Members Into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the Warsaw Pact [Extract], November 26, 19761

The interests of the thoroughgoing normalization of international relations require that the division of the world into opposing military blocs be overcome. The participants in the conference of the Political Consultative Committee affirm their readiness to disband the Warsaw Treaty Organization, if the North Atlantic Treaty Organization is disbanded simultaneously, and to eliminate their military organizations as a first step. They call upon all states not to undertake actions that could lead to the expansion of existing closed groupings and military-political alliances or the creation of new ones. One practical measure in this direction could be the simultaneous suspension of Art. 9

See Documents on Disarmament, 1970, pp. 570–577. 613–615.

Current Digest of the Soviet Press, vol. XXVIII, no. 48 (Dec. 29. 1976). p. 9. The proposal was adopted at the conference of the Political Consultative Committee of the Warsaw Treaty member states in Bucharest, Nov. 25–26.

of the Warsaw Treaty and Art. 10 of the North Atlantic Treaty, which allow membership to be expanded by the affiliation of new states. The Warsaw Treaty member states are ready to enter into appropriate talks on this question. They would also carefully consider any other proposals on the gradual relaxation of the military confrontation in Europe and the lessening of the danger of the accidental emergence of conflict situations.

At the same time, the NATO bloc continues to exist and to increase its military potential, and the Warsaw Treaty member states will take all necessary steps within the treaty's framework to constantly provide reliable security to their peoples. . . .

Warsaw Pact Proposal To Prohibit the First Use of
Nuclear Weapons, November 26, 19761

The leaders of the Warsaw Treaty member states, meeting in a conference of the Political Consultative Committee in Bucharest on Nov. 25-26, 1976, examined questions involving the prevention of war, deepening the easing of international tension and the struggle to strengthen security and develop mutually advantageous cooperation in Europe.

They noted that the period since the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe confirms the great positive significance of the conference's results and of the commitments undertaken by its participants under the Final Act.2

Considering at the same time that life dictates the need to further intensify efforts aimed at consolidating peace in Europe and throughout the world, and expressing their determination to act precisely in this direction, as the Warsaw Treaty member states have stated in a special declaration, they have come to the conclusion that the indicated aims would be met if all the states that signed the Final Act were to adopt a pledge not to be the first to use nuclear weapons against any other such state.

By general agreement of the Warsaw Treaty member states-the People's Republic of Bulgaria, the Hungarian People's Republic, the German Democratic Republic, the Polish People's Republic, the Socialist Republic of Rumania, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic-a draft treaty to this

2

1 Current Digest of the Soviet Press, vol. XXVIII, no. 48 (Dec. 29, 1976), p. 10. For complete text of the Final Act, see Department of State Bulletin, Sept. 1, 1975, pp. 323–350.

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effect is being forwarded, along with this letter, for consideration by all the other states that participated in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.

Warsaw Pact Draft Treaty To Prohibit the First Use of Nuclear Weapons, November 26, 19761

The states that were participants in the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, named hereinafter as the high contracting parties, inspired by the aims and provisions of the Final Act of the conference;

desiring to undertake a fresh common action aimed at strengthening confidence among them, at weakening military confrontation and at assisting disarmament; .

expressing their will to act in accordance with the aims and principles of the UN Charter;

determined not to allow the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons against any other such state;

striving to make a contribution to lessening the danger of a nuclear war in Europe and all over the world, have pledged as follows:

Art. I.-Not to be the first to use nuclear weapons against any other such state, on land, on the sea, in the air or in outer space.

Art. II. The commitment envisaged by Art. I shall apply not only to the territory of the states but also to their armed forces, in whatever area of the world they may be.

Art. III.—This treaty is for an unlimited period.

Art. IV. The treaty shall be open for signature by any state which signed the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe in the city of Helsinki on Aug. 1, 1975.2

Art. V.-1. This treaty shall be subject to ratification by the states which signed it. The instruments of ratification shall be deposited with the government of which shall be named as the

depository state.

2. The treaty shall enter into force for each of the contracting parties from the time of deposition of its instruments of ratification. Art. VI.-1. This treaty, done in the Russian, English, Spanish, Italian, French and German languages, all texts being equally authentic, shall be deposited with the government of.

2. The treaty shall be registered in accordance with Art. 102 of the United Nations Charter.

1 Current Digest of the Soviet Press, vol. XXVIII, no. 48 (Dec. 29, 1976). p. 10. The draft treaty was proposed at the conference of the Political Consultative Committee of the Warsaw Treaty member states in Bucharest Nov. 25-26. 'Department of State Bulletin, Sept. 1, 1975, pp. 323–350.

Statement by the Mexican Representative (Marín Bosch) to the First Committee of the General Assembly: Reduction of Military Budgets [Extracts], November 26, 19761

Year after year both in the general debate of the plenary and in the discussions of this First Committee, special emphasis has been placed on the dangers inherent in the arms race. For more than 15 years, the General Assembly itself has pointed out that the nuclear arms race constitutes the gravest danger to world peace and the very survival of mankind. I think it only appropriate to add here that not only is there a threat of universal destruction but it also involves an unjustifiable squandering of resources and stands as a serious obstacle to the achievement of the new international world order.

To illustrate the squandering of the resources that I have just mentioned, inherent in the arms race, suffice it to point out that the $US 300 billion which are yearly spent by the world on military hardware add up to more than $820 million a day or $34 million per hour. In other words, in the course of one of our normal morning meetings, the world is spending $85 million on the industry of war. Very recently, three very important studies were published that eloquently describe the serious problems confronting mankind today. These works, which appeared at the same time as the beginning of our discussion on disarmament, serve as a very good point of departure for consideration of item 34 of the agenda of the present session of the General Assembly, namely, the reduction of military budgets.

To deal with these three documents chronologically, the first one is entitled "Armaments and Disarmaments in the Nuclear Era." It was published by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) to celebrate its tenth anniversary. This document points out that, in the three decades that have passed since the atomic explosions over Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the nuclear arsenals of the great Powers have grown and their content has been perfected until they have gone beyond any possible military or political requirement. It is pointed out, too, that according to conservative estimates, nuclear weapons stockpiled in the world have an explosive potential equivalent to 15 tons of TNT per inhabitant of the earth. This includes both strategic and tactical weapons. As an example of the destructive power of these tactical weapons, the survey indicates that the explosive capacity of the nuclear tactical weapons of the United States and of the Soviet Union amount to 50,000 bombs of the type that were dropped on Hiroshima in 1945.

In Europe alone approximately 10,000 of these tactical nuclear weapons are stockpiled. Thus, too, SIPRI points out that approxi1A/C.1/31/PV.43, pp. 7-11, 13–15.

mately 6 per cent of the world production is devoted to military purposes and that in the world today approximately half a million research workers and scientists are engaged exclusively in military research and development.

In the document entitled "The Future of the World Economy”— a survey prepared by a team of economists on the request of our Organization-the obstacles that must be overcome to achieve continued development of the countries of the third world up to the year 2000 are described. There is great stress on the need to establish this new international economic order and this is the central theme of a new survey, a recent one submitted by the Club of Rome entitled the Reconstruction of the International Order or "RIO Project." That survey presents a blueprint for the establishment of this new world order so as to reduce the imbalances that exist at present between the developed and the developing world. The goals include the creation. of socio-economic conditions assuring a life expectancy of 65 years, a literacy average of 75 per cent and a mortality rate lower than 50 per 1.000. The achievement of those goals will call for gigantic efforts and will also require the investment of between $US 15 and $20 billion per year over the next decade-an amount that must be added to the $3 or $4 billion that the developing countries are already investing annually in their programmes to eradicate wretchedness and want. The total amount of investments suggested, however, adds up to less than 10 per cent of the amount that is at present devoted yearly to military spending.

In the light of all the above, it is easy to understand the importance that we all attach to the report that was submitted to us by the Secretary-General in document A/31/222 on the question of the reduction of military budgets.2 That report which is entitled Measuring Military Expenditures and International Dissemination of Information was prepared this year by a group of experts pursuant to the terms of resolution 3463 (XXX) which the General Assembly adopted on 11 December 1975 with a majority of more than 100 votes.3 With regard to that report, I have the honour now, on behalf of the delegations of Sweden and my own delegation, Mexico, to present. a draft resolution contained in document A/C.1/31/L.21.*

Finally, may I recall that in resolution 3463 (XXX) of last year the General Assembly urged all States-but particularly the permanent members of the Security Council and all other States with comparable military expenditures-to endeavour, by mutual agreement, to reduce their military budgets and urged the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the two

Ante, pp. 687-696.

3 For text, see Documents on Disarmament, 1975, pp. 764-766.

See post, pp. 937-940 and ibid., n. 1.