the beginnings of society arises the need for social intelligence-from that consensus of individual intelligence which forms a public opinion, a public conscience, a public will, and is manifested in law, institutions, and administration. As society developes, a higher and higher degree of this social intelligence is required, for the relation of

individuals to each other becomes more intimate and important, and the increasing complexity of the social organisation brings liability to new dangers.

In the rude beginning each family produces its own food, makes its own clothes, builds its own house, and, when it moves, furnishes its own transportation. Compare with this independence the intricate dependence of the denizens of a modern city. They may supply themselves with greater certainty, and in much greater variety and abundance than the savage; but it is by the co-operation of thousands. Even the water they drink, and the artificial light they use, are brought to them by machinery, requiring the watchfulness of many men. They may travel at a speed incredible to the savage; but in doing so resign life and limb to the care of others. A broken rail, a drunken engineer, a careless switchman, may hurl them to eternity. And the power of applying labour to the satisfaction of desire passes, in the same way, beyond the direct control of the individual. The labourer becomes but part of a great machine, which may at any time be paralysed by causes beyond his power or even his foresight. Thus does the well-being of each become more and more dependent upon the well-being of all—the individual more and more subordinate to society.

And so come new dangers. The rude society resembles the creatures that though cut into pieces will live; the highly civilised society is like a highly organised animal; a stab in a vital part, the suppression of a single function, is death. A savage village may be burned and its people driven off-but, used to direct recourse to Nature, they can maintain themselves. Highly civilised man, however, accustomed to capital, to machinery, to the minute division of labour, becomes helpless when suddenly deprived of these and thrown upon Nature. Under the factory system some sixty persons, with the aid of much costly machinery, co-operate to the making of a pair of shoes. But, of the sixty, not one could make a whole shoe. This is the tendency in all branches of production, even in agriculture. How many farmers of the new generation can use the scythe? How many farmers' wives can now make a coat from the wool? Many of our farmers do not even make their own butter or raise their own vegetables!

It is startling to think how destructive in a civilisation like ours would be such fierce conflicts as fill the history of the past. The wars of highly-civilised countries, since the opening of the era of steam and machinery, have been duels of armies rather than conflicts of peoples or classes. Our only glimpse of what might happen were passion fully aroused was in the struggle of the Paris Commune. And since 1870, to the knowledge of petroleum has been added that of even more destructive agents. The explosion of a little nitro-glycerine under a few water-mains would make a great city uninhabitable; the blowing up of a few railroad bridges and tunnels would bring famine quicker than the wall of circumvallation that Titus drew around Jerusalem; the pumping of atmospheric air into the gasmains, and the application of a match, would tear up every street, and level every house. The Thirty Years' War set back civilisation in Germany; so fierce a war now would all but destroy it. Not merely have destructive powers vastly increased, but the whole social organisation has become vastly more delicate.

In a simpler state master and man, neighbour and neighbour, know each other, and there is that touch of the elbow which, in times of danger, enables society to rally. But present tendencies are to the loss of this. In London, for instance, dwellers in one house do not know those in the next; the tenants of adjoining rooms are utter strangers to each other. Let civil conflict break or paralyse

the authority that preserves order, and the vast population would become a terror-stricken mob, without point of rally or principle of cohesion, and your London would be sacked and burned by an army of thieves.

London is only the greatest of great cities. What is true of London is true of New York, and in the same measure true of the many cities whose hundreds of thousands are steadily growing towards millions. These vast aggregations of humanity, where he who seeks isolation may find it more truly than in the desert; where wealth and poverty touch and jostle; where one revels and another starves within a few feet of each other, yet separated by as great a gulf as that fixed between Dives in Hell and Lazarus in Abraham's bosom-they are centres and types of our civilisation. Let jar or shock dislocate the complex and delicate organisation, let the policeman's club be thrown down or wrested from him, and the fountains of the great deep are opened, and quicker than ever before chaos comes again. Strong as it may seem, our civilisation is evolving destructive forces. Not desert and forest, but city slums and country roadsides are nursing the barbarians who may be to the new what Hun and Vandal were to the old.

Nor should we forget that in civilised man still lurks the savage. The men who, in past times, oppressed or revolted, who fought to the death in petty quarrels and drunk fury with blood, who burnt cities and rent empires, were men essentially such as those we daily meet. Social progress has accumulated knowledge, softened manners, refined tastes, and extended sympathies, but man is yet capable of as blind a rage as when, clothed in skins, he fought wild beasts with a flint. And present tendencies, in some respects at least, threaten to kindle passions that have so often before flamed in destructive fury.

There is in all the past nothing to compare with the rapid changes now going on in the civilised world. It seems as though in the European race, and in the nineteenth century, man was just beginning to live--just grasping his tools and becoming conscious of his powers. The snail's pace of crawling ages has suddenly become the headlong rush of the locomotive, speeding faster and faster. This rapid progress is primarily in industrial methods and material powers. But industrial changes imply social changes, and necessitate political changes. Progressive societies outgrow institutions as children outgrow clothes. Social progress always demands greater intelligence in the management of public affairs; but this the more as progress is rapid and change quicker.

And that the rapid changes now going on are bringing up problems that demand most earnest attention may be seen on every hand. Symptoms of danger, premonitions of violence, are appearing all over the civilised world. Creeds are dying, beliefs are changing; the old forces of conservatism are melting away. Political institutions are failing, as clearly in democratic America as in monarchical Europe. There is growing unrest and bitterness among the masses, whatever be the form of government. To attribute all this to the teachings of demagogues is like attributing the fever to the quickened pulse. It is the new wine beginning to ferment in old bottles. To put into a sailing-ship the powerful engines of a first-class ocean steamer would be to tear her to pieces with their play. So the new powers rapidly changing all the relations of society must shatter social and political organisations not adapted to meet their strain.

To adjust our institutions to growing needs and changing conditions is the task which devolves upon us. Prudence, patriotism, human sympathy, and religious sentiment alike call upon us to undertake it. There is danger in reckless change, but greater danger in blind conservatism. The problems beginning to confront us are grave-so grave that there is fear they may not be solved in time to prevent great catastrophes. But their gravity comes from indisposition to frankly grapple with them.

A civilisation which tends to concentrate wealth and

power in the hands of a fortunate few, and to make of others mere human machines, must evolve anarchy and bring destruction. But a civilisation is possible in which the poorest could have all the comforts and conveniences now enjoyed by the rich; in which prisons and almshouses would be needless, and charitable societies unthought of. Such a civilisation only waits for the social intelligence that will adapt means to ends. Powers that might give plenty to all are already in our hands. Though there is poverty and want, there is, yet, seeming embarrassment from the very excess of wealth-producing forces. "Give us but a market," say manufacturers," and we will supply goods to no end!" Give us but work!" cry idle men!

66

We

The evils that begin to appear spring from the fact that the application of intelligence to social affairs has not kept pace with the application of intelligence to individual needs and material ends. Knowledge has vastly increased; industry and commerce have been revolutionised. have brought machinery to a pitch of perfection that fifty years ago could not have been imagined; but, in the presence of political corruption, we seem as helpless as idiots. The East River Bridge is a crowning triumph of mechanical skill; but to get it built a leading citizen of Brooklyn had to carry to New York £12,000 in a carpetbag to bribe New York Aldermen. The being that thought out the great bridge is in broken health, and can only watch it grow by peering through a telescope out of the window of the chamber where he lies bed-fast. Nevertheless the weightof the immense mass is estimated and adjusted for every inch. But the skill of the engineer could not prevent condemned wire being smuggled into the cable.

The progress of civilisation requires that more and more intelligence be devoted to social affairs, and this not the intelligence of the few, but that of the many. We cannot safely leave politics to politicians, or political economy to college professors. The people themselves must think, because the people alone can act.

In a “journal of civilisation," a professed teacher declares the saving word for society to be that each shall mind his own business. This is the gospel of selfishness, soothing as soft flutes to those who, having fared well themselves, think everybody should be satisfied. But the salvation of society, the hope for the free, full development of humanity, is the gospel of brotherhood-the gospel of Christ. The law of social progress makes the wellbeing of all more and more the business of each; it binds all closer and closer together in bonds from which none can escape. He who observes the law and the proprieties, and cares for his family, yet takes no interest in the general weal, and gives no thought to those who are trodden under foot, save now and then to bestow alms, is not a true Christian. Nor is he a good citizen. The duty of the citizen is more and harder than this.

The intelligence required for the solving of social problems is not a mere thing of the intellect. It must be animated with the religious sentiment, and warm with sympathy for human suffering. It must stretch out beyond self-interest, whether it be the self-interest of the few or the many. It must seek justice. For at the bottom of every social problem we will find a social wrong.

"Death to each tyranny!
All labour shall be free!

There buds and blooms for nations' health
The red-flagg'd commonwealth."

Ye know the world's tyrannic despots all,
From out their graves will freedom grow,
From out their fire-consumèd ruins fall;

The star of a new world shall glow!

Be it enthron'd 'neath blood-besprinkled crown,
Or 'neath the flag of Mammon's realm,
Or 'neath emblason'd shield and helm,
Or 'neath the tonsure and the cowled gown.
"Death to each tyranny!" &c.

So shall all labour free at last become,

Enjoy the fruits that she has nursed,
And dreaded want no longer hold her dumb,
For the joys of few to be cursed!

Be it with sword or with plough and with spade,
Be it with skill or with strength of hand,
Be it science or art's demand,

With whate'er she worketh, she is betrayed.
"Death to each tyranny!" &c.

To the nations' joy there doth bud and grow
The state of right, democracy.
Therefrom to our toil a blessing shall flow,
And love to a true polity!
And as all alike we are equal born,
Equal for all be toil and right;
And none from happiness and light
Lead lives without a bliss apart, forlorn!
"Death to each tyranny!" &c.

The red-flagg'd commonweal, the crimson band!
The ideal of our sympathy!

Which only to that one the true command,

The love of neighbour bends the knee!
Red, as the joy a youthful heart hath won,
Red, as the life's holy, fiery flood,
Red, as the world-Redeemer's blood,
Red, as the lustre of the morning sun.
"Death to each tyranny!

All labour shall be free!

There buds and blooms for nations' health
The red-flagg'd commonwealth."

THE SOCIAL AGITATION.

THE DEMOCRATIC FEDERATION.

III-CARL WEISER'S SONG OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC

BAND.

Hail to ye sons, whom Freedom calls her own,
In nation-liberating band!

Let thunder forth the song's most pow'rful tone
In despot's ear through every land;
Wild cry of want from slaves in countless number
For right and bread! For peace and light!
And, with alarm, cry to the fight,

Awake the last who yet may chance to slumber.

On July 17th the following resolution was passed"That the Executive Council of the Democratic Federation desire, as Socialists, to call the attention of their own countrymen and the French people to the ill-feeling now being stirred up by the Governments and the capitalist Press on both sides of the Channel, owing to wars of aggrandisement in Egypt, Tunis, and elsewhere, waged for the benefit of the huckster class, and in consequence of projects which promise further gain to the same class: that this meeting, therefore, in view of this harmful rivalry and growing

animosity, declares that the interests of the workers in England and in France are absolutely identical, and protests against the idea that there can be any just cause for quarrel between the people of different nations, since those who live by labour have common interests in all countries."

This was sent to and ignored by the English Press, but published in Paris.

Mr. John Sketchley, who has worked for fifty years in the cause of labour, was sent by the Federation through South Staffordshire at the time of the recent strike among the iron workers, to whom he distributed over 1,000 manifestoes. On Bank Holiday, August 6th. a meeting was held on Mile End Waste, when Mr. Sketchley reported his observations to a large and attentive crowd. In effect, he found the population physically and mentally much deteriorated, and absolutely ignorant on the social question, though filled with sullen rage. A meeting will shortly be held by the Federation in Birmingham, when the working of the educational centres explored by Mr. Sketchley will be organised. The action of the Federation with regard to the old "red herring" of State-directed emigration is elsewhere reported.

at

On Sundays open-air meetings have been held during the last three months, and will be held until the winter, at Regent's Park at 3.15 p.m., and at Clerkenwell Green at 11 a.m. and 7 p.m. The branches at Clerkenwell and 49, Tottenham Street, W., have enlisted many new members on these occasions. Speakers have attended Peckham Rye and Southwark Park on the open spaces which have been closed to public speaking by the arbitrary action of the Metropolitan Board of Works, with the result of aiding in the defeat of the Board, spreading Socialist ideas, and forming fresh branches in both places. Indoor lectures have been delivered at Woolwich Învicta Club, and at 277, Hackney Road, several weeks in succession, and well received. The Labour Emancipation League of Mile End, which is in full sympathy with the Federation, has been holding meetings every Monday evening on the Waste, and is doing good service. Friends can greatly assist by studying the social question in order to take part in the open-air propaganda, and by aiding in the sale of literature. The field for open-air work is immense, and several new stations only wait for men or women to occupy them regularly.

The suburbs are being opened up. commencing with Penge. A branch will probably be affiliated in Edinburgh in a few days. The following extract from the Newcastle Chronicle of August 20 shows that our fellow-workers in the North are no longer to be led off the track by the "half a loaf is better than no bread" cry:

"NEWCASTLE BRANCH.-At a meeting of this branch of the Federation, held on Saturday, August 18, it was resolved, That this meeting is of opinion that the time has come for a radical reform of Parliamentary representation; and further resolves that it ought to be on the lines indicated by Mr. Chamberlain in his recent speech before the electors of Birmingham. Therefore, as the proposed demonstration on the Town Moor is not for the purpose of forwarding universal suffrage, equal electoral districts, payment of members, and shorter Parliaments, the Democratic Federation declines to take part in it."

LIVERPOOL BRANCH.-This branch has elected T. Evans and E. J. Freeman as representatives on the Council. Branches are requested to send in monthly reports to the Secretary on or before the 20th of each month.

MARYLEBONE BRANCH.-A large meeting was held on the 22nd August at Tottenham-street, when Mr. Harris gave an extremely able lecture on Socialism r. Liberalism. He said that the whole of English history from 1100 to 1832 might be said to be a gradual assertion of the right to individual liberty. This principle pushed to its conclusion resulted in the oppression of the weakest. From

1832, when the first Factory Act was passed, a new prin ciple came into action: that of subordinating individua" rights to the rights of the community; this was the principle of Socialism. The proceedings terminated with a vote of thanks to the lecturer.

LIVERPOOL BRANCH.-At a meeting of this branch a resolution was proposed by Mr. Freeman, seconded by Mr. Parkin, insisting on a clause being put into the Corrupt Practices Bill for the compulsory extension of the hours of rolling votes at municipal and parliamentary elections. The proceedings were fully reported in the Liverpool Post of August 21st.

A successful meeting was held at Penge, in the Mapleroad on August 25th. There were about two hundred people present. A clergyman interrupted the proceedings, telling the speakers that they ought to be ashamed of themselves for talking of socialism to working men; if they went and talked to sensible people it would be evident they were talking nonsense; they could only mislead working men. This was not complimentary to the working men present, who evinced great dissatisfaction with the clergyman's attempt to break up the meeting. Weekly meetings are to be held at Penge, and it is hoped that a strong branch of the Federation will shortly be formed there.

The London correspondent of the Western Morning News gives a good account of the meetings on Mile-end Waste, which are conducted so indefatigably by the Labour Emancipation League. These meetings should bear good fruit for the cause of Socialism, as dwellers in the East End know from bitter experience the evils of the present reign of anarchy which is termed Society.

LAND REFORM UNION.

THE following appeal to members has been issued by the Committee:—

The most favourable time of year for spreading an agitation is now approaching, Working men and women are willing to come during the long winter evenings to lectures and public meetings, which they will not attend during the summer.

It is, therefore, very necessary that we should make the most of these autumn and winter months, and carry on with enthusiasm the work of educating the masses of the people on the rights and wrongs of the Land Question.

We appeal, then, to all members of the Land Reform Union to co-operate with one another at this time, and we call upon them to sacrifice both time and money for the cause, and to help in pushing on the work.

A general meeting of members will be held on 28th September, at City Club, at 7 p.m.,for the purpose of consulting as to the best means of organising our work. Meanwhile, it is requested that any members who are willing to work in any of the following methods will communicate with the Secretary :

1. By lecturing for the Land Reform Union at clubs, and by speaking at public meetings and debates on Land Law Reform.

2. By attending meetings opposed to land nationalisation, or proposing to tinker the Land Question, and moving amendments in favour of the object of the L. R. U.

3. By distributing the literature of the Union at all meetings, and amongst working men.

4. By assisting the Secretary in his work of sending out literature, circulars, &c.

5. By forming branches in the provinces and different districts throughout London.

6. By forming meetings at private houses for discussion of the Land Question, and purposes of education.

7. By sending funds to defray the heavy expenses of

publishing literature, getting up meetings, and general work of the Society.

It is especially important that we should have at once a large list of lecturers, as we purpose sending a notice to all clubs and institutes that we are willing to send out lecturers. There will be large demands upon Our resources, which we ought to have no difficulty in satisfying.

We shall be glad, if possible, to provide lectures in any town willing to pay the travelling expenses of the lecturer. Lectures so arranged would be found the best way of starting a local branch, and disseminating literature on land reform. We may mention that a collection at the door would probably more than cover this cost.

Several committee meetings have been held during the past month, and there are now four leaflets or tracts ready for distribution. Another pamphlet by Rev. G. Sarson on "Progress and Poverty" will be ready early in September. It is hoped that branches will shortly be arranged at Liverpool, Leeds, Glasgow, and Hull. The Radical clubs at the latter place are busy with preparations for running Joseph Arch as Parliamentary candidate. Two candidates for the next General Election have declared in favour of Land Nationalisation-Dr. R. M. Pankhurst at Manchester, and Mr. E. Rider Cook. A society for regaining the land for the people has been established by Mr. Henry George in New York; it is called the Free Soil Society, and hopes to extend the agitation throughout America. In New Zealand, likewise, a Land Nationalisation Society has been formed, which holds a large number of meetings, so the movement is rapidly assuming a world-wide character. What we want now is more members who will give personal work and money aid to carry on the propaganda.

RENT AND INTEREST.

(To the Editor of the CHRISTIAN SOCIALIST.) SIR,-I am deeply interested in the subject of "Progress and Poverty," and feel much indebted to the author for the light he has given; but I agree with your correspondent, "X. Y. Z.," that the attempt to justify interest is entirely at variance with the main principles of the book. Mr. George explains that interest is derived from a natural power of increase attaching to certain kinds of capital, apart from the value conferred on material by labour; and he virtually says it is right for capitalists to monopolise the advantages which arise from the principle of growth and reproduction in Nature. And yet he argues that the right of a man to his own powers and the fruits of his own exertion is the only rightful basis of property. "Is it not this which alone justifies individual ownership? As a man belongs to himself, so his labour, when put in concrete form, belongs to him." But as no man ever made a sheep or a tree, these things cannot justly be subjected to absolute private ownership in the same way as other kinds of capital. Although animals and trees may in part be a return for human exertion, it is clear that they have a value beyond what is due to the labourer, which flows from a generative force; and all men are entitled to share in this excess of production over wages, for (to use the above form of argument) as the vital forces of Nature belong to the community, so the concrete results belong to it." Progress and Poverty" was written to insist on the equal rights of all to the bounties of Nature, and to give effect to this principle it is proposed to abolish private ownership in "land.” But Mr. George appears to have fallen into the error so often pointed out by him in the writings of others, and used this word land in two senses. His definition of the term is made to include "all natural materials, forces, and opportunities." But in the proposal to make land common property he evidently means nothing but the soil. It is admitted that the natural powers, utilised by labour, are the only source of interest, and that if all capital consisted of machinery and other

dead material, interest would soon be a thing of the past If, then, we include all natural forces and opportunities in the term land, and then confiscate land to the State, we must of necessity confiscate interest, for the source of interest is a part of land. According to the theory advanced by Mr. George, artificial capital has of itself no title to interest, because it has no innate power of increase. Then, since all capital is merely stored up labour, how can any part of it be credited with increase? If "nothing that is freely supplied by Nature can properly be classed as capital," it follows that anything capable of growth or reproduction contains an element which is not capital, and plainly the increase or interest springs not from capital, but from this other part-this life-giving force which is included in the term land.

Thus, interest is a division of rent; and, as "X. Y. Z." says, the practical result is much the same in the case of interest as in the case of rent. Because a man makes a fortune are his descendants justified in living to the end of time without doing anything to benefit society? It is obvious that such people must live either on the fruits of other men's labour, or on the produce of natural growth, which belongs to the community.-I am, &c., Nottingham, August 3rd, 1883. T. M.

PROVIDING FOR ONE'S CHILDREN. To the Editor of the CHRISTIAN SOCIALIST. SIR, A chief motive actuating those who struggle for riches is that they may leave a fortune to their children. A moment's reflection will show the gross injustice of such an endeavour. For it is but an attempt made by an individual to secure during his lifetime a greater return than his labour can deserve, in order that he may saddle an idle posterity upon the working community. Justice would seem to demand that on the death of the possessor, all property should revert to the State, and the State should be responsible for the reasonable maintenance and care of those who were dependent on the person dead. What a world of striving, solicitude, and poverty, on the one hand, or of selfishness, idleness, and riot, on the other J. K. hand, some such scheme would prevent!

GOD AND THE PEOPLE.
THE RELIGIOUS CREED OF A DEMOCRAT.
(Compiled from the writings of Joseph Mazzini.)
Continued from page 45.

We believe that the progress destined to be wrought out by humanity cannot be completely realised in the brief terrestrial existence of the individual, but that it will be fulfilled elsewhere.

We believe, therefore, in the continuity of the life made manifest in each of us, and of which our terrestrial existence is but one period.

We believe that pure, virtuous, and constant affection is a promise of communion in the future, and a link-invisible, but powerful, in its effect upon human actionbetween the dead and the living.

We believe not only in progress, but in man's solidarity in progress.

We believe, also, in nationality, which is the conscience of the peoples, and which, by assigning to them their part in the work of association, constitutes their mission upon earth--that is to say, their individuality.

We believe in the people, one and independent, so organised as to harmonise the individual faculties with the social idea, living by the fruits of its own labour, united in seeking after the greatest possible amount of general well-being, and in respect for the rights of individuals.

We believe that the conception of the family is not only human, but Divine, and no human power can extinguish it; like the country-even more than the country-the family is an element of existence.

We believe that by the Law of God, given by Him to humanity, all men are free, are brothers, and are equals.

OBJECT The restitution of the land to the people. MEMBERSHIP OF THE UNION Open to all who approve its objects, and pay an Annual Subscription of not less than 2s. 6d.

HON. TREASURER-H. H. Champion, 17, Harewood-square, London, N.W.

HON. SECRETARY R. P. B. Frost, 30, Woburn-place, London, W.C.

CARDS OF MEMBERSHIP are issued to every Subscriber of not less than 2s. 6d. annually.

THOSE willing to aid in the formation of Branches throughout the Kingdom are earnestly invited to communicate with the Secretary.

GUILD OF S. MATTHEW.

OBJECTS.

I. To get rid, by every possible means, of the existing prejudices, especially on the part of "Secularists," against the Church-her Sacraments and Doctrines; and to endeavour "to justify God to the people."

II. To promote frequent and reverent worship in the Holy Communion, and a better observance of the teaching of the Church of England as set forth in the Book of Common Prayer.

III. To promote the study of Social and Political Questions in the light of the Incarnation.

Rules, Forms of Nomination, a full list of the Publications of the Guild, and all information will be gladly supplied on application to

FREDK VERINDER, Hon. Sec. 5, Goldsmith-square, Stoke Newington, London, N.

President-ALF. RUSSEL WALLACE, LL.D., F.R.G.S. Treasurer A. C. SWINTON.

Hon. Sec.-H. W. LEY.

Secretary-JOHN S. H. EVANS, 7, Lismore Circus, London, N.W.

Any Member willing to organise a Branch of the Society is cordially invited to communicate with the Secretary, from whom, and at W. Reeves', 185, Fleet Street, the publications of the Society may be had.

THE DECORATIVE CO-OPERATORS'
ASSOCIATION (Limited),
405, Oxford-street, W.
DIRECTORS.

Chairman.

Albert Grey, Esq., M.P., A. H. Dyke Acland, Esq. Hon. Edward Majoribanks A. Cameron Corbett, Esq. M.P. HON. SECRETARY-Miss Hart, 86, Hamilton-terrace, N.W. The Decorative Co-operators' Association is open to Artistic Decoration, Paper Hangings, Furniture, Upholstery, undertake work of the best class in House Painting, &c., specially designed or selected. All work done by the Association will be of the most thorough character; and one of the managers being an accomplished decorative artist, it will be one of its aims to promote the truest artistic principles. Every workman having a direct interest in the business, orders entrusted will be carried out economically and well.-Applications to the Business Manager, E. W. SEARLE.

The Christian Socialist.

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Payments in Postal Orders to W. REEVES, 185,

Fleet Street, London.

NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS. RECEIVED" Fifty Facts About Australasia."-"How to Exclude Bribers and Atheists from Parliament."--"An Apostrophe." E. C. B. "Tracts from the Women's Peace and Arbitration Society.""An Acre of Land," H. Atherton.

G. S.-We have so much poetry that we fear we cannot insert what you have sent.

W. HARRIS.-Your idea is good. We hope, meanwhile, you will devote your energies to reform at home. (Birmingham).-Thanks for your efforts.

J. F.

F. N. B. (Ryde).-You do right. Try through newsagent, and if he fails write to us direct. Every month the facilities for obtaining THE CHRISTIAN SOCIALIST will increase. "Push on the work," as Henry George remarks.

All our issues can still be had. As any get out of print from time to time it will be notified in the paper. Though every newsagent tell you so, do not believe the paper has stopped.

THE CURSE OF SCOTLAND. WE made some comments in a former number on the general condition of the Highland Crofters, and expressed a hope that the evidence laid before the Royal Commission would compel the attention of our representative and hereditary rulers. The London journals have almost unanimously burked the proceedings of the Commission, and no notice has been taken of the damning evidence of the crofters.

Several Scotch papers, however, have full reports, and we advise all who wish to understand the disastrous consequences entailed by unrestricted despotism on the lives of an intelligent and upright