There is no instance in English poetry of the accent, in exquifite, being placed, as it is here, on the penultimate. It is always placed on the antepenultimate, as in this line of Dryden,

"In jewels fet, and exquifitely gay."

No cynick bard from licit joys reftrains. p. 104. l. 280.

There is no fuch word as licit, and we cannot allow the author, refpectable as he is, to coin language. Illicit is an authorized word, and yet, in no degree better than unlawful.

Soon would my fong, like fongs of

Tirteus old.

This is the first time that we ever faw the old martial bard degraded to a diffyllable, and we hope that it will be the laft. A dipthong may be revolved, by diarefis, into two vowels, but a dipthong and a vowel cannot by any fyranefis be contracted into one fyllable. Týdeus may be either a diffyllable, or a triffyllable, but Tyrteus must be the latter, becaufe the penultimate is a dipthong. Tuglas, or as the Latins write it Tyrtaus, cannot be lefs than three fyllables, and the fecond fyllable must be long.

Having thus reviewed the poetry of this volume, we recommend it to the reader, notwith

are common to almost all modern poets, as the work of an apparently good and fenfible man, and true American. It would be abfurd to compare him with the great poets of England, nor would the author himself tolerate fuch grofs flattery. But on the American Parnaffus he makes no mean figure. If he has lefs fire than Dwight, he has also lefs fmoke; if he has lefs accuracy than Barlow, he has also lefs coldness. His first poem we think his beft; and the comparative inferiority of the others may be reasonably accounted for, by their being compofed in foreign countries, where, for many years, the author enjoyed few opportunities of converfing in his own lan

An Addrefs, delivered before the Members of the Maffachusetts Charitable Fire Society, at their anniversary meeting, June 1, 1804. By Edward Gray, Efq. Boston. Ruffell & Cutler. 8vo. pp. 15.

THOUGH the love of money

paffions, no eloquence is fo generally interefting, as that which is exerted to obtain relief for the unfortunate, and no fatisfaction fo perfect as that, which refults from the remembrance of diftrefs which we have alleviated. The purpose of forming the affociation before which the addrefs of Mr. Gray was delivered, was to relieve fuch as may fuffer by fire, and to ftimulate genius to useful difcoveries, tending to fecure lives and property from deftruction by that element." The inftitution is deferving of the patronage which it has liberally received.

66

After an introduction explanatory of the object of the fociety, Mr. G. proceeds to illuftrate the remark, that," from human calamities, however numerous and melancholy, emanate most of our virtues. From War, that patriotifm which devotes a man to death for his country. From Peftilence, the generous fympathy which fees no danger of contagion in watching the fick man's bed. From Famine, that gene rofity which divides the morfel with a ftarving friend. From

Fire, thofe exertions which, at the risk of life, often fnatch the victim from a burning grave." He then propofes, "without repeating, what has been faid on the fubject of benevolence, in the cafe of fire, but ftill keeping in view the object of the day, to take a general but diftinct view of the miteries of life, of which fire is, indeed, a terrible part."

From the catalogue of human calamities, he has felected" External avar, internal commotion, famine, peftilence, defpotick rule, national decline, and fire" is reflections

on each of these are few, but appropriate and interefting. The ftyle is fuited to the fubject; and though it do not, in any instance, rife to the fublime, it is throughout perfpicuous; and is neither fwoln by affectation, nor degraded by meannefs. The punctuation is erroneous.

The concluding paragraph was a happy appeal to the fympathy of thofe who heard it.

From whom, my refpectable auditors, can this fociety folicit relief for fufferers by fire, more properly than from you; who mourn the lofs of no relation flain in war-who lament no

brother fallen by a brother's hand, by internal commotion-who have heard of famine, but never felt it-who for years have not known peftilence-whole exccllent national conftitution and government fecures you from long defpetick rule -whofe country is increasing in wealth and population; but, alas! whofe deftiny conftantly calls you to firuggle with Whatever be your fituation in fire. life, (fo various are its changes,) that, perhaps, what you give liberally to-day, you will, hereafter, joyfully receive; or, if not yourfelves, perhaps thofe equally ther, fill your reward will be great, dear to you, your children; or, if neifor you will find it where the virtuous man always looks for it, in the deed. You will think of it, in your last hour, with delight; and at that interesting period, be affured your God will remember it.

The Confiitutionalist: addreffed to men of all parties in the United States. By an American. "Towards the prefervation of your government and the permanency of your prefent happy fiate, it is requifite not only that you difcountenance irregular oppofition to its acknowledged authority; but allothat you refift, with care, the Ipirit

of innovation upon its principles, however fpecious the pretext." WASHINGTON.

Philadelphia Maxwell, 1804.

:

THE object of this little pamphlet is to expofe fome of the wild, political herefies of the prefent day. It is addressed to "men of all parties," but it is more particularly defigned for the meridian of Penniylvania, where the whirlwinds of democracy rage without control, and threaten to sweep away in their courfe every veftige of the republican principle. The author endeavours to elucidate and eftablifh, in this work, the truth of the following pofition that the judicial department of government, in this country, poffeffes the legitimate power of declaring null and unoperative any act of the legiflature, which is contrary to the conftitution. He fupports this doctrine by the authority of judge Tucker, of Virginia, in his learned and elaborate notes on the commentaries of Sir William Blackftone; by the opinion of Mr. Patterson, one of the judges of the Supreme Court of the United States, expreffed in his charge to the jury in the cafe of Dorrance, leffee against Sanborn; by an appeal to the hiftory of other nations; and by ftrong and animated reafoning.

In the course of this work, the author mentions a curious experiment, which is worthy the attention of politicians. By the first conftitution of Pennfylvania, a tribunal, denominated the council of errors, was created for the fole purpose of preferving the conftitution. It was the duty of this Vol. I. No. 11. Rrr

to inquire, "whether the conftitution had been preferved inviolate, and whether the executive and legislative branches had performed their duty, as guardians of the people, or exercised other or greater powers than those, with which they had been conftitutionally invested." This tribunal accordingly undertook, at various times, to fpecify cafes, in which they judged, that the conftitution had been violated. Many of the alleged infringements were perpetrated by legiflative acts. But this cenforial tribune did not anfwer the purposes of its inftitution. A temporary dependant body, chofen immediately by the people, with the right to complain, but without the power to reform publick abufes; it was regarded with contempt in proportion to its weakness. This experiment demonftrated to the framers of the prefent conftitution of Pennsylvania, the wifdom and neceflity of vefting the power of judging laws as well as offenders, in men, permanent by the tenure of office, and independent of the other branches of government.

The Roman cenfor could degrade from the patrician rank any member, whose conduct merited expulfion. In like manner, there ought, in every state, to be a fupreme judicial power, co-ordinate with the other departments of government, invested with authority to blot from the judicial code every unconftitutional act. The author of this pamphlet, fhews the neceffity of fuch a power by the opinions of political writers, and by the experience of hiftory. Wherever the legiflature arrogates to itself the power

to judge and determine in judicial matters, liberty cannot exist. The correctness of this principle, as applicable to our own country, may be fhewn by an example. Suppose that the legislature of any one of the states fhould enact a law, which should impair the obligation of contracts. This would directly infringe a principle of the Federal Conftitution, which is of fuperiour obligation; and therefore it would require in the ftate a power, independent of the legiflature, to declare fuch law null.

As this pamphlet is very fhort, we make no extracts, but refer our readers to the original. The author writes with the facility of one, accustomed to compofition. His ftyle is plain, and derives no aid from rhetorical graces. A fpirit of candour pervades the work. The political opinions are ftated with an independence,which is worthy of praife; to advocate the independence of the judiciary is a most unpopular task in thefe democratick days. The author was formerly, we are told, a difciple of the dominant party in Pennsylvania. But difgufted with the exceffes of his party, he has ceafed to minister to its rage. Many honest minds have been perplexed with a fimilar thraldom: but few have had the courage to throw off the yoke; fewer ftill to vindicate their independence with dignity and fuccess.

William Barton Efq.

R.

Religion the only fure bafis of government, a fermon preached before the General Court, May 30,

1804, by Samuel Kendall. Bofton. Young & Minns. 8vo.

"ELECTION fermons may generally be accounted the echo of the publick voice, or the political pulfe by which the popular opinion may be felt.”

This obfervation was made by a writer well acquainted with the affairs of New-England; and who, had he lived to this day, would be pleafed with Mr. Kendall's difcourfe. Of late years the election difcourfes are more than commonly expreffive of the publick fentiment. With one or two two exceptions, the preachers have exhibited a favourable view of the found flate of Maffachusetts. They have been correct in their ideas of politicks and religion, and we hope the time is far diftant, when this part of the Union will lofe their good principles, or the virtue and steady habits of their ancestors.

The object of the prefent difcourfe is to fhow, that religion is effential to the virtue, freedom, and happinefs of any people.

Mr. K. hints, firit, at the neceffity and end of civil government; then fhows that religion is the only fure bafis of it; defcribes its falutary influence upon the community; and proves that the chriftian religion is the ground of confidence, and most favourable to liberty and focial order. This method we call a judicious arrangement, and he reafons like a man of an intelligent mind, who loves the truth.

There is enough faid concerning the origin of civil government for a fermon. Divines had better keep within the known line

of duty. Some who are not clergymen mistake their talent when they write effays on government, which perhaps amount only to days, although filling the pages of a great book. Preachers fhould therefore mind their own bufinefs, and even when they preach before the General Court, fhould endeavour to appear as the fervants of Jefus Chrift rather than like the politicians of this world. With a firm ftep they may hold, that the fupport of government is religion. Hence we are pleafed with this fermon, which is a ferious, religious, folid, fenfible difcourfe; and gave high entertainment, without any doubt, to fuch a grave, judicious affembly as they ought to be, who make up our legiflature.

We shall give an extract from the fermon, which fhows the preacher's style to be perfpicuous and energetick, though he aims not to excel in the graces of compofition. He makes juft diftinctions, which every modern preacher does not. Too many imitate the French ftyle, which is to dazzle with ornament and to neglect the fruit of wifdom, preferring the way which is only ftrewed

with flowers.

Religious rulers will naturally care and confult for the good of the people. To hold that it is immaterial what the religious principles of a ruler are, or whether he have any or not, is prepoft erous. One might as well deny all connection between cause and effect through the whole moral world. Or one might as well fay, that a man may be a very good man, and at the fame time a very bad man; that a man may be altogether contracted within himfelf, or wrapt up in party, and at the fame time prove as great a blefling to the people as though he were truly be

nevolent. If it be true that "all men will walk, every one in the name of his god," it muft furely very materially af fect the best interest of a people, whether a ruler be a votary of Jehovah the God of Ifrael, or of Bacchus, Venus, or the

Gallick goddess of Reason.

Rulers, who bear the image of God, whofe moral character is fummed up in love, instead of plotting mis chief on their beds, and devising how they fhall render the advantages of their ftations fubfervient to their carnal

ends, will be prayerfully exerciting their thoughts how they fhall magnify their refpective offices by promoting the higheft good of the community. This they will be difpofed to do without noise and oftentation. They will have no occa fion or difpofition to amufe the people and cover finifter defigns with the lullaby of liberty and equality. Confcious of their own integrity, they will leave their actions to declare the real fentiments of their hearts, and willingly be judged by their fruits.

There are certain politicians in the world, who have wifhed that the trial might be made without any kind of religious principle. One would fuppofe thefe were the difciples of Voltaire ; but his authority may be quoted on the other fide.

He was a man of quick obfervation, though no great philofopher. "Falfe religion, fays he, is better than none. Society cannot exist without religion. "An atheistical ruler is more dangerous than a fanatical Ravaillac."

Surely the christian minifter may draw fuch inferences as thefe :

That leffening the influence of relig ious fentiment is hazardous to the publick weal.

Under this head Mr. K. includes the neglect or contempt of facred inftitutions.