Parliament, to treat with scorn or contempt the Government, and to set themselves up as the judges of what shall be the future constitution of the land. Now all this is nothing less than the most flagrant rebellion. And unless the spirit, which is the source and the root of all, be put an end to, there can be no hope either of peace or of prosperity for this country. We do not, and never have pleaded for, the dogmas of passive obedience, of divine right, and of non-resistance. These are dogmas which are incompatible with the nature and objects of a constitutional and limited monarchy; and we are, from conviction and experience, decidedly resolved on upholding the form of Government which exists in the British empire, as at least in those dominions most calculated to promote the happiness and the well-being of all classes. But, on the other hand, when we see, as we do at present, the middling and even the upper classes, Episcopal clergy and Presbyterian ministers, merchants and manufacturers, heading or promoting, apologizing for or defending movements of so rebellious and anti-constitutional a character as those to which we have specifically alluded, we say that one of two results is inevitable-EITHER ANARCHY MUST OVERTHROW THE GOVERNMENT, or THE GOVERNMENT MUST PUT DOWN ANARCHY. And we repeat it, because we hold that the truth with respect to this vast matter must be enforced as well as stated, that either the upper classes-we mean the clergy of England and the ministers of Scotland, the merchants and manufacturers-must first obey the laws, or be first made to obey them; or the Government must abdicate, and unmitigated anarchy succeed. There is no other alternative.

We shall doubtless be unjustly accused of a desire to revive State prosecutions for political opinions; of being enemies to the liberty of thought and to the freedom of the press; of being anxious to bring back again the palmy days of high Toryism (this will be the favourite phrase); and of attempting to induce Sir Robert Peel to retrace his steps, and to commence with a reaction. But these charges will be false. We hope most cordially that "the League" will dissolve itself. Most joyfully would we hear that fact, and would then implore the Government to obliterate from its recollection the past offences and crimes of that body and its agents. The liberty of thought and of opinion we claim for ourselves; and how could we dare to refuse the same freedom to another? Temperate and manly, philosophical and even severe debate and enquiry, far from deprecating in a country where a mixed form of Government is established, we admire and love. The "palmy days of Toryism" are the present; and we would go to the extent of opposing heart and

soul any measures which would run counter to the principles of Sir Robert Peel's policy, as announced by him during the last session. But anarchy can be moral as well as physical, and is more injurious when it is the former, than when it is the latter. This anarchy now exists; and Sir Robert Peel and his Cabinet must put it down wherever it is found, and whoever are its authors.

We must now turn to some HOME matters of secondary importance, and with them shall conclude our "National Retrospects and Prospects."

On the second day of next month the British Parliament is to assemble. We wish it had been called together before. We are decidedly opposed to sessions which extend to August, and which are often wearisome and unprofitable. In our judgment, it would be much wiser to commence the session about the middle of December; to adjourn for a fortnight for the Christmas holidays, and to terminate the parliamentary business in June. After that period, the members of both houses would be much better occupied in their respective home spheres throughout the provinces; and our counties would be greatly benefitted by their presence. But this year, particularly, we think an earlier convocation would have been desirable. The next session ought to be one of a very decisive character. The Papists and the demiPapists should be taught that this is a Protestant land, and that we owe allegiance to a Protestant constitution. The Dissenters should be taught, in spite of the returns lately ordered to be made relative to Church-rates, that the Protestant Church of England cannot make further concessions to their schismatic claims.

After our late unparalleled successes in India and China, and the large pecuniary reparation we are about to receive, the Government should present its tenths or first-fruits on the altar of God, and at least appropriate a portion of the China peacemoney to CHURCH EXTENSION. What that portion should be, it is not for us to indicate; but the offering should be ample and even liberal.

We think that the changes which have taken place in regard to the laws relating to debtors and creditors, and to the Bankruptcy and Insolvent Courts, have gone quite as far as can be beneficial to us as, a commercial people. The man who sells, must be protected as much as the man who purchases; and it should not be lost sight of, that credit is the basis and life of commerce; but that credit will be rendered wholly impossible if the laws do not protect the tradesman and the merchant against the frauds or the impositions of their debtors, and if they

be not secured against the deceptions and losses to which they must be constantly exposed if further immunities should be bestowed on those who owe, and the privileges of those to whom debts are due should be again diminished. Lord Brougham's new act has come into operation, and already multitudes are pressing forward to avail themselves of its provisions, and to snap their fingers in the faces of their creditors.

The question of NATIONAL EDUCATION remains in abeyance. It is doubtless one of vast difficulty; and we should approach it with anxiety, had we not the great pleasure of referring to an essay on that subject which appeared in a recent number. It does, however, appear very paradoxical that we, the nation which above all others devotes its wealth and energies to the moral and religious improvement of every description of Pagan, savage, and unchristian life, should yet have made so little progress in a national system of education. The Government has announced, that, with reference to Ireland, it will adhere to the old grants, but will not assist the Clerical Education Board. Is this decision wise and prudent? Is there not too little discrimination in this determination? think there is; and therefore we do not hesitate to say that such is our conviction. This question of education will haunt us until it is settled. The future is wholly involved in it. We have had so many false and dangerous dogmas afloat during the last thirty years, and especially during the last twelve, that unless something be done effectually and decisively, we see nothing before us, as a nation, but decline and ruin.

We

The crime of INCENDIARISM has, during the last six weeks, been so often repeated, and even become so common, that it very naturally excites alarm and indignation in the agricultural districts. This is one of those offences which should be repressed by prompt and severe punishment: it is as much distinguished by the stupidity of its perpetrators, as by the injurious consequences of its commission. The being who perpetrates it is in no respect benefitted those against whom it is aimed are now generally uninjured. Insurance offices

may indeed be impoverished, and landlords may lose some respectable tenants, but the fires are directed against the farmers to obtain higher wages, whilst, in real honesty, they cannot afford to augment the remuneration paid even sixpence per week. These incendiary fires lead to the destruction of crops, stacks, barns, and machinery, and bring about the throwing out of employ of hundreds, nay thousands of individuals, who would otherwise obtain regular occupation. Something should be done in the way of encouraging the detection of

the offenders, and sheep-stealing and incendiarism should be prosecuted with rigour. If we do not, as a people, protect our agriculturists, the "League" will indeed have the right to laugh at us.

We hope another session will not pass without the whole question of EMIGRATION and COLONIZATION being taken up with vigour and resolution by a Conservative Government. We are not wholly ignorant of the various and complicated matters for discussion which are daily brought under the consideration of Sir Robert Peel and his coadjutors, and in ordinary times we would say, let them fight out the moral battle; but every one, from the most wretched pauper in her Majesty's dominions to the Queen herself, is now saying "Something must be done!" say we. Yet what is that something to be? That is the question; and upon no reply are men of patriotism and of education so much agreed as on that of emigration and colonization. But nothing will be done with real and permanent effect, unless it be so done by Government. Individuals or societies, philanthrophists or companies, will never be able to carry into effect a truly national system of emigration or colonization. All must be planned and carried into execution on fixed principles; and the scale of experiment must be comprehensive and national.

So

To the INCOME TAX; to the improved state of the NATIONAL REVENUE; to the SIX HOSTILE TARIFFS which have been passed against us within the last six months by foreign governments or countries; and to the necessity for reducing the TEA TAX; as well as to the ENMITY OF THE FRENCH PRESS against us, as a people; and to the partial adaptation of the Parliamentary or constitutional system to PRUSSIA-we had hoped to call the attention of our readers, as well as to say a few words relative to recent disasters at sea, and the melancholy loss of a convict ship with all its wretched tenants. But we have not space to gratify our wishes, and we can only make two or three general reflections. Our situation, as a nation, when contrasted with nearly all the other countries in the old, as well as in the new world, supplies, on the whole, matter for congratulation. It is by contrast that we learn to value our advantages and our privileges. There is nothing in the oldest monarchies, or in the youngest republics, we should be justified in envying, or even in desiring. Protected alike from the domination of a proud and vengeanceseeking aristocracy, and from the blood-thirstiness of an implacable democracy, we, as a nation, pursue the noiseless tenor of our way. Undoubtedly, we are from time to time exposed to manufacturing, commercial, and agricultural difficulties, but they resemble, generally speaking, those meteors, which for the time being are vivid and alarming, but which terminate in safety-in

preservation. Let none, then, despair. We have had a long season of drought, but plenty has succeeded, and our garners are full, and there is plenty in the land. It is very true that we have had a moral dearth and a political scarcity also in the forms of a bad Government and of an inefficient and imbecile Cabinet; but the Conservatives are once more at work to amend, repair, and construct, and with the blessing of the Almighty upon us, our prospects will, in all respects, be much more encouraging and delightful than our retrospects. But not unto us-unto God alone, be ALL THE GLORY!

Ecclesiastical Report.

see.

BISHOPRICS IN WALES.

OUR readers must be aware, inasmuch as the subject has been discussed in almost every quarter, that the Ecclesiastical Commissioners recommended, that, at the next vacancy, the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor should be united. It appears that the commissioners were influenced in their judgment, by the feeling, that by suppressing a bishopric in Wales another might be erected in England. Manchester, with a portion of the surrounding country, was deemed a proper place for a bishop's We, of course, can have no objection to the selection of Manchester for such a purpose: on the contrary, our opinion is, that many of our extensive dioceses should be divided; but we cannot conceive that the interests of the Church will be promoted by robbing one diocese of its bishop for the sake of giving him to another locality, desirable as it may be that the newlycontemplated diocese should be constituted. In fact, we view all such changes with considerable apprehension. We remember the case of Bristol and Gloucester. It was recommended that the former should be annexed to the latter a scheme which was carried into effect on the translation of the Right Rev. Dr. Allen to the see of Ely. We are well aware of the satisfaction of the clergy in the administration of the united see by the present diocesan; and we feel assured that those who succeed him in his important office will take care of the interests of the Church; but still we cannot forget that the measure was the breaking up of an old arrangement-the removal, as it were, of an old land-mark, which nothing but the most imperious necessity could justify. Let new dioceses be created;