rigation through the country, not a hovel in the highlands of Scatland, or mountains of Auvergne, would have been without a boat at its door, a rill of water in every field, and a road to its market town.

"Had the money we have lost by the lawless depredations of all the belligerent powers been employed in the same way, what communications would have been opened of roads and waters! Yet, were we to go to war for redress, instead of redress, we should plunge deeper into loss and disable ourselves for half a century more from attaining the same end. A war would cost us more than would cut through the isthmus of Darien; and that of Suez might have been opened with what a single year has seen thrown away on the rock of Gibralter.

"These truths are palpable, and must, in the progress of time, have their influence on the minds and conduct of nations."

These opinions of Mr. Jefferson were committed to writing, prior to his election to the Presidency of the United States; and they may account for some things in his administration, which were disapproved by his political opponents; but of which, perhaps, an enlightened posterity will pronounce a different verdict. What we have now before us, from his pen, appears to have been the result of serious reflection on the impolicy of war; and it is hoped, that the time is at hand, when these "palpable truths" will have that "influence on the minds and conduct of nations" which the writer anticipated.

Since Mr. Jefferson retired from office, our nation has had an exemplification of the correctness of his remark, “That war is an instrument entirely inefficient towards redressing wrong; that it multiplies, instead of indemnifying losses." May we not then indulge a hope, that the experience we have had of these "palpable truths," will have an "influence" on all who shall hereafter be concerned in administering the government of this nation? And such an influence on every class of our citizens, that whoever may preside, he shall be free from all temptation to engage in war, to gratify those on whom he may be

dependent for office? A pacifick people will naturally insure a pacifick goverument, so long as it shall be elective; and a contentious people will be pretty sure to produce a contentious government, or to give it a contentious aspect and direction.

DEAN SWIFT'S ACCOUNT OF THE CAUSES OF WAR.

In the Philanthropist, for July, 1813, we have an able and interesting article on the subject of war. The writer introduces the following ludicrous account of the causes of war, from Dr. Swift.

“He asked me," says the Docter, "what were the usual causes or motives that made one country go to war with another? I answered, they were innumerable: but I should only mention a few of the chief. Sometimes, the ambition of princes, who never think they have land or people enough to govern. Sometimes the corruption of ministers, who engage their master in war, in order to stifle or divert the clamour of their subjects against their evil administration. Difference in opinion has cost many millions of lives. For instance, whether flesh be bread, or bread be flesh; whether the juice of a certain berry be blood, or wine; whether whistling be a vice. or a virtue.

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'Sometimes, the quarrel between two powers is to decide which of them shall dispossess a third of his dominions, where neither of them pretends to any right. Sometimes one prince quarrels with another, for fear the other should quarrel with him. Sometimes a war is entered upon, because the enemy is too strong; and sometimes because he is too weak. Sometimes our neighbours want the things which we have, or have the things which we want; and we both fight till they take ours or we theirs.

"It is a very justifiable cause of a war, to invade a country, after the people have been wasted by famine, destroyed by pestilence, or embroiled by factions among themselves. It is justifiable to enter into war against our nearest ally, when one of his towns lies convenient for us, or a territory of land, that would render our dominion round and compact.

“If a prince sends forces into a nation where the people are poor and ignorant, he may lawfully put half of them to death, and make slaves of the rest, in order to civilize them and reduce them from their barbarous way of living. It is a very kingly, honourable, and frequent practice, when one prince desires the assistance of another, to secure him against an invasion, that the assistant, when he has driven out the invader, should seize on the dominions himself, and kill, imprison, or banish the prince he came to relieve."

After quoting this passage, the writer in the Philanthropist makes the following just remarks :—

"If we consider rightly, we shall find a very small number of wars, at the utmost, the causes of which are not assignable to one or other of the heads which Swift enumerates, ridiculous and detestable as they appear. when thus exhibited without covering or disguise.

"The wonderful thing is, that at the moment of action or decision, it should be so very easy to endow them with deceptive colours. Scarcely ever does it happen, that the wars into which nations are plunged, are not made to appear to the contending parties as highly necessary or honourable; are not made to appear so, equally to both nations, though it must always happen, that of the parties, one is, and it most frequently happens that both are in the wrong. If we look, for example, at the wars which, since the beginning of the last century, the British nation have carried on with the French, we shall find that every one of these destructive contests was made to wear plausible colours on both sides, to the credulous people whom they oppressed. Yet it would be a curious inquiry to determine of how many of them the cause will not be found in the catalogue of Swift. Mankind are deluded by their passions. It is easy for rulers to fill their bosoms with hope, or with fear. Whoever is master of their hopes and fears, is master of the men. He commands the steam which works the engine, and of which the movements may be guided to any operation."

EXTRACTS FROM PARLIAMENTARY SPEECHES, APPLICABLE TO THE CUSTOM OF WAR, AND TO AN ATTEMPT FOR ITS ABOLITION..

THE following extracts are taken from the speeches made in the British Parliament, during the long struggle for the

abolition of the slave trade. Their applicability to war and to an attempt for its abolition, will be obvious to every discerning reader. I shall forbear to give the names of the speakers against the abolition, because I trust they have repented of the part they took in the debate, and would be glad that their speeches might be abolished, as well as the trade which they were designed to support. But the names of the speakers, on the other side, will be given, that they may be more generally known and respected in our country.

Mr. Wilberforce. "Had this trade been ever so profitable, my decision would have been in no degree affected by that consideration. Here's the smell of blood on the hand still, and all the perfumes of Arabia cannot sweeten it. The consciousness of the justice of my cause would carry me forward, though I were alone; but I cannot but derive encouragement from considering with whom I am associated. Let us not despair. It is a blessed cause; and success, ere long, will crown our exertions. Never, never will we desist, till we have wiped away this scandal from the Christian name; till we have released ourselves from the load of guilt under which we at present labour; and till we have extinguished every trace of this bloody traffick, which our posterity, looking back to the history of these enlightened times, will scarcely believe had been suffered to exist so long, a disgrace and a dishonour to our country."

In opposition it was said :--" They who attempt the abolition of the trade, are led away by a mistaken humanity. The slave-trade is absolutely necessary, if we mean to carry on our West-India commerce. It also has the merit of keeping up a number of seamen in readiness for the state. The abolition would lessen the commerce of the country, and increase the national debt and the number of taxes. It would annihilate a trade whose exports amounts to eight hundred thousand pounds annually, and which employs 160 vessels, and more than 5,000

men."

Another in opposition said :-"The slave-trade is certainly not an amiable trade, neither is that of a butcher; but it is a very necessary one. There is great reason to doubt the propriety of the present motion. I have twenty reasons for disapproving it. The first is, that the thing is impossible. I have no need to give the rest. I would not

gratify my humanity at the expense of the interests of my country; and I think we should not too curiously inquire into the unpleasant circumstances which attend it."

Mr. James Martin replied, that "The doctrines he had heard that evening ought to have been reserved for times the most flagrantly profligate and abandoned. He never expected then to learn, that the everlasting laws of righteousness were to give way to imaginary political and commercial expediency, and that thousands of our fellowcreatures were to be reduced to wretchedness, that individuals might enjoy opulence, or government a revenue."

In opposition, one gentleman said, "It appeared to him to have been the intention of Providence from the very beginning, that one set of men should be slaves to another. This truth was as old as it was universal. It was recognized in every history, under every governinent, and in every religion."

Mr. William Smith observed, “Whatever may have been advanced, every body must feel, that the slave-trade cannot exist an hour, if that excellent maxim, to do to others as we would that others should do to us,' had its proper influence on the conduct of men. Nor was Mr. more happy in his argument from the antiquity of slavery. Because a practice has existed, does it necessarily follow that it is just ? By this argument, every crime may be defended, from the time of Cain."

Mr. Courtenay observed, that "It had been said by Mr.

that the pulpit had been used as an instrument of attack on the slavetrade. He was happy that it was so well employed; and he hoped the bishops would rise up in the House of Lords, with the virtuous indignation which became them, to abolish a traffick so contrary to humanity, justice, and religion."

Mr. William Pitt remarked, "From the first hour of my having had the honour to sit in Parliament, down to the present, among all the questions, whether political or personal, in which it has been my fortune to take a share, there has never been one in which my heart was so deeply interested as in the present; both on account of the serious principles it involves, and the consequences connected with it.

"The present is not a mere question of feeling. The argument which ought, in my opinion, to determine the committee, is, that the slave-trade is unjust. It is, therefore, such a trade as it is impossible for me to support, unless it can be first proved, that there are no laws of morality binding on nations; and that it is not the duty of a Legis