each other. In the individual the resultant force invents machines, paints masterpieces of art, writes inspiring poems, builds splendid cathedrals, converts people to new faiths and heartens them with new aspirations, and reveals new ideals and brings up strong-bodied, noble-minded citizens. In a people this resultant force is known as Civilization. A civilized people is thus in itself a creating force. It demonstrates this by realizing ideals; by making real the dreams of its poets; utilizing for communal purposes the machines of its inventors; embodying in its political and social life the systems of its statesmen and the organizations of its industrial leaders, translating the hopes of fathers and mothers into happy homes. Its Church is the Church of pragmatic truth, and its religion the worship of the Practical Ideal. It does all these things by subduing the natural self-seeking tendencies of its individual members for the purpose of social wellbeing, for the healthy organic growth of a community in which the individual serves it and it him.

Now there are two sides to social life-the political and the economic. The political side deals with the rights to personal freedom of the individual members within the community, and the sanctions by which these rights are prevented from interfering with the solidarity of the social state. The best practical ideal so far developed by Civilization for this purpose is Democracy—the government of the people, by the people, for the people-resulting in political freedom. The economic side deals with the rights of the individual to enjoy the fruits of the earth and the products of his labor. This is economic freedom, the establishment of which will be one of the right uses of Leisure. So far, to satisfy this side, Civilization has evolved the method known as Competition, a practical ideal when carefully limited to its proper sphere of activity; but when allowed free play, as it has been, the rights of the individual to enjoy the fruits of the earth and the product of his labor are left to take care of themselves. Instead of making for economic freedom it has resulted in the unrestrained scramble of a medley of individuals, each trying to get the better of the other, and the rights of one being obtained at the sacrifice of the other.

Modern Civilization has failed to make good its claim to its

title. Its political freedom is a dead letter, and its economic freedom an infernal machine. It has failed from two causes. The first is to be found in the purely intellectual consideration it gave to the problem of economic freedom. It applied the same method to the solution of this problem as it did to that of political freedom. This was the profound error. Economic freedom is the life and happiness of the members of a community, and life and happiness are not subject-matters for political science, but for ethics. Politics is the science of the mechanics of a society; economics is its ethics. Every economic problem is, at bottom, a problem in morals. This we are only beginning to see, but we shall see it better when our intuitions form a part of our reasoning; for then we shall not treat men and women as if they were the figured-blocks in a calculating machine.

"Farther, deeper, may you read,

Have you sight for things afield,

Where peeps she, the Nurse of seed,

Cloaked, but in the peep revealed;

Showing a kind face and sweet;

Look you with the soul you see't."

" with

We have not looked for the "kind face and sweet our souls, because forsooth our economic science must not be concerned with matters that pertain to the souls of people; as if the science of social life were as bloodless as mathematics or as logic. How are we ever to settle social questions if we leave out the souls of the people? It is not of stone and timber, said Plutarch, that we must build the ramparts of our cities, but of the brave hearts of our citizens.

The second cause for this failure on the part of modern civilization lies in the fact that it is not civilized enough; it has not yet had the material with which to work. The problem of economic freedom depends absolutely on the healthy-minded citizens themselves, and healthy-minded citizens are possible only in a community which permits its members the enjoyment of Leisure, and offers every facility for its right use. A civilized nation without civilized citizens, if that were possible, is like an Atlantic liner with an incompetent crew to work her and with her coal

bunkers empty. She is splendidly fitted with the best modern machinery, but she is adrift on the ocean because wanting in the willing power of coöperative thought. She may have a superiorminded captain and officers, but these are helpless without a superior-minded crew. The right use of Leisure is to educate the average citizen to be high-minded. Leisure produced the highminded aristocrat, the lover of art and the patron of genius; there is no reason why it should not also produce the high-minded citizen, with equal power to appreciate and encourage art and genius, and with even greater power to maintain them. And with his arrival our problem of economic freedom will be solved. Stated broadly the right use of Leisure is to fit ourselves so that we always have the power to enjoy it. In other words, the right use of Leisure is to maintain our ability to use it. The ability to use anything is measured by the results of the use; if the results are useful, work well, they are desirable, and our right to the use of Leisure will be justified and may not be alienated from us. Leisure, therefore, is our opportunity to demonstrate our ability. No individual and no nation, in the history of man, ever yet maintained a right to anything without the power to use the right. Even a mechanic may not work at his trade unless he proves himself able; he will be discharged, deprived of his right, so to speak, if he is un-able. Leisure is given us in which to cultivate ability; to learn how to be able. Once we are able, questions of economic freedom, communal welfare and human happiness will meet their answers; for our might will be right in the only sense that counts.

Now what do we find existing in this country to-day, among the so-called "idle rich" and "laboring poor"? The former have the right to Leisure, but they have lost the power to use it. Indeed, as the phrase goes, they have no use for it. The right means nothing to them, for they do not know what to do with it. They are able to live at all only by the power stored-up in their wealth, and even this power they are so abusing that it also is being threatened. What an opportunity for these men and women, did they but have the ability to use Leisure! What a mighty influence for good might not these become in the community! And they are unable to make a change because they,

too, have lost heart, and are without hope. The "laboring poor" have the right to the vote, but not knowing how to use it they have lost the right. They sold it for a mess of pottage to capitalists and political "bosses." The result is they have no power in the community and no right to the right. Nay, they have no right even to complain of their condition. What is left of their right is the mere record of its acquisition; a witness to their shameful incapacity and futility.

Leisure is now given us as the time in which both "idle rich" and "laboring poor " alike may take thought. The former, that they may rise up from the "mattrass grave" of their ennui; the latter that they may cease complaining and open their eyes to what they have done to themselves, and to what they can do to redeem themselves.

We are now asking for a new right—the right to economic freedom. We may go on asking until the Day of Judgment, and we shall not get it. For what guarantee can we give that we shall not abuse this right also? How can we ask to be entrusted with it when we have no power to keep it, and have lost even the right to ask for it? There is now no other way left to us but to deserve it. Leisure is given to us as the time in which to prepare ourselves to deserve it. Yet to deserve it is no light task; it means educating ourselves to a true understanding of the trust, and acquiring the ability to hold it. Only thus shall we regain the power; there is no other way. Complaining, begging, and petitioning will not avail; what will avail, is doing. The doors of the Temple of Freedom are closed to the mentally unsound and the morally unclean. We have had these doors shut against us because of our weakness and our sins. They will not be open again to us until we shall have fasted, and afflicted our souls, and washed pure our hearts. So that our day of Leisure must be for us a Day of Atonement, also. "It is a Sabbath of solemn rest unto you, and ye shall afflict your souls." We have been unfaithful to the high spirit of our forefathers; we have bartered the freedom they gave their lives to obtain for mere shekels of silver. All of us-" idle rich" as well as "laboring poor "-have sinned; and in this time of Leisure we must "highly resolve" to live new lives. Not by professions of faith, but by living of faith.

Our libraries are filled with Fourth of July professions, and yet our hearts continue to be broken by Fifth of July repudiations. Let us find out, on this day of Leisure, what it is that has ailed and is ailing us; why it is that we have gone wrong; and how we may regain our hearts and renew our hopes.

What, after all, is the one thing in which every man fulfils himself and takes most delight in doing? It is realizing his success by placing there, outside of him, his own creation for all to enjoy; it is “making good." This is what I mean by realizing ideals-it is man's evolution, by means of creation. To plant gardens where before there were deserts; to build cities on lonely prairies; to make highways of bridges from peak to peak; to embody hope-giving visions in poems and paintings; to rear truehearted sons and daughters; these are the incarnations of his soul that stand for him and point to him as the maker of worlds. Thus is he the Master of Change, the filler of space with the stuff of Reality; thus he immortalizes himself, and thus he endures. He also can then look upon the work of his hands and say, "It is good." He can say it, because he has "made good." Making good" is the free man's part-it is his happiness.

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The "idle rich" are wretched, because they are not "making good." The "laboring poor" are unhappy, because they have not made good." The "idle rich" are not are not "making good" because they do not use their time for creative ends. The "laboring poor " have not "made good" because they have not had the leisure in which to learn how to create. Yes, this "making good" is the only happiness, for it is consciousness of life itself. It is not experienced by the "idle rich" because they squander their life, and are, therefore, never conscious of life. It is not experienced by the "laboring poor" because they are not permitted to use their life; it is bought and sold for others' uses. They also are thus never conscious of what it is to live. This abuse of time is at the root of all human sorrow; life is then but a mere current of existence in which we are either drowned or made to serve as the planks of a raft on which others float.

Our freedom is a very Ariel of a sprite which has to be continually liberated from the cleft in the pine tree of sloth or it