Now although in 1915 the margin of superiority of the fleets of the coalition over those of England and the United States will not be very marked, yet it might conceivably be sufficient to warrant an attempt on the part of Germany to seize territory in South America or elsewhere, trusting in her ability to retain possession once her flag is unfurled. And any open act of this nature must be viewed by England as a hostile move, for the solidarity of the British Empire depends on the inviolability of the routes of commerce between the Colonies and the Mother Country. (Hence, for example, the necessity for maintaining a British squadron in the Mediterranean to keep open the way to India and Australia.) The United States, also, has pledged herself to uphold the Monroe Doctrine with regard to South America, and at the same time must be prepared to defend the Philippines and Hawaii from possible attack and seizure by Japan. It may be that we shall also be called upon to guard the Pacific Coast of Canada, Australia and New Zealand-all of which will prove an enormous and well-nigh impossible task for a navy no larger than ours will be four years hence at its present rate of growth.

The Anglo-American Arbitration agreement, however, is an important factor, and may lead to the revision of the treaty between Great Britain and Japan; indeed, this seems inevitable, as by the present provisions of the treaty Great Britain might be compelled to support Japan in a war with the United States, which the Arbitration Agreement will make impossible. The necessary modifications in the Anglo-Japanese Treaty may be secured at the cost of extending the duration of the treaty for another term of years.* This, of course, will affect the balance of power in 1915; but the necessity for facing the ultimate issue remains. Therefore let us face it boldly-now; before it is too late. Carthage, Venice, Portugal, Holland—each in turn lost an empire through neglect of their once invincible navies: it behooves us then to profit by their experience" to take up arms against a sea of troubles, and by opposing end them."

*The treaty has now been modified as anticipated, and its term extended for six years.-EDITOR.

ERNESTO NATHAN, MAYOR OF ROME

T

BERTRAND MARTIN TIPPLE

HE majority of foreigners visiting Rome, come for her past, to look upon the remnants of walls and aque

ducts, temples and monuments, that speak of the faraway generations, to study those churches and museums which preserve superb specimens of the art of the Middle Ages. But they ride to the Coliseum in an auto-taxicab, they travel through broad, well-paved, clean city avenues. At their hotels they are lifted to their steam-heated room by a modern elevator. Scouting in the suburbs, they discover new and luxurious villas. Trading in the city, they run across a large department store. If they can read and talk a little Italian, they quickly understand that while they are on ancient soil, they are in the midst of a modern people, a people concerned with stocks and bonds, wages and Government ownership and the redemption of waste lands, public schools, playgrounds and aeroplanes.

They climb those spacious stairs that lead to the Square of the Capitol, mounting the same slope down which "Rienzi, the Tribune, fled, disguised as a buffoon, in his last moments." They pass at the top the colossal figures of Castor and Pollux, heralds of the victory of Lake Regillus, twin heroes who watered their white steeds at the Fountain of Juturna under the hill and then rode swiftly away, who knows where? They pause to inspect that priceless antique in bronze, the equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius. "A sight of the old heathen emperor is enough to create an evanescent sentiment of loyalty even in a democratic bosom." At any rate that is what Hawthorne said.

They are on the Capitoline Hill, the heart of ancient Rome. Their guide book informs them that here King Saturn, the introducer of civilization, settled, here Romulus opened an asylum for fugitive slaves, here the Sabines with the aid of the traitress, Tarpeia, conquered, here the Gauls were frustrated by Juno's squawking geese, here stood the Temple of Jupiter and in a deep recess of the same lay the Sibylline Books, and here fell by the

hand of the assassin Tiberius Gracchus. From this hill-top the old Roman crowds looked down on the fellow-conspirators of Catiline, the African Jugurtha, the Macedon Perseus, Vercingetorix of ancient France, Appius Claudius, the decemvir, Sejanus, the favorite of Tiberius, the Christian Paul, as fettered, they were dropped into the dark subterranean chambers of the Mamertine. From this elevation one looks down and remembers that "there before my eyes opened an immense grave, and out of the grave rose a city of monuments in ruins, columns, triumphal arches, temples, and palaces, broken, ruinous, but still beautiful and grand,-with a solemn mournful beauty! It was the giant apparition of ancient Rome."

On this old Capitoline Hill, in the heart of old Rome, sits the Mayor of new Rome-Ernesto Nathan. His office is in the Palace of the Senators, erected by Boniface IX in 1389, altered by Michelangelo and still further altered by Ernesto Nathan.

Up to September 20, 1910, Mr. Nathan was a national but not an international personage. Here in Italy almost any schoolboy in his teens could have given a brief and fairly accurate history of the ardent Republican. Born in 1845, the fifth of twelve sons, his mother an Italian, his father an English banker, until his thirteenth year he lived in England. Then with his widowed mother he came to Pisa, where at the great University he continued his studies, "cultivating his soul in the Italian style." Later on he was in Florence, Milan, and Genoa. From the latter city his mother fled to Switzerland to escape imprisonment for her pronounced sympathies with the Republican conspirators. At this time he saw again the "glorious exiles," Maurizio Quadrio, Aurelio Saffi, and, last of all and first of all, Giuseppe Mazzini. Commercial tasks took him to Sardinia and again to Genoa and then for a short time to his boyhood home, London. He returned to Italy from London in 1870, the year that the King of United Italy moved into the Quirinal at Rome, and the Pope moved into the self-imposed imprisonment of the Vatican. It was day-break in Italy and Nathan came to the Peninsula to aid in the work of reconstruction. That he has done as editor, author, lecturer, university professor, social reformer, and political leader. He

assisted in editing the papers, Rome of the People, Emancipation, and Duty, publications expounding for the most part the political ideals and ethical idealism of Mazzini. He opened debating rooms for young men. Following the rush of socialism in Italy, he wrote Twenty Years of Italian Life, in which he attempts to make clear the difference between socialism and democracy. For many years he was the very soul of the great Girls' School in the Trastevere, Rome. During this time he was also Professor of Ethics in the Royal High Institute of Commercial and Colonial Studies, Rome. Four times he was elected a member of the City Council and under Mayor Ruspoli he was appointed a member of the municipal Executive Board. In 1907 he was chosen Mayor of Rome and reëlected in 1910.

Modern Italy is the union of seven States, "ranging from a military despotism to a flabby, corrupt tyranny." In the eighteenth century Alfieri awoke the Italians from their dishonorable slumber. In the first half of the nineteenth century appeared Manin, Mazzini, Garibaldi, D'Azeglio, Cavour, Victor Emanuel II, and the war-cry rang from Alp to Ætna: "Italy free, Italy one!"

By the year 1860 Italians were well on the way to the goal, far enough along for Victor Emanuel to chance saying: "It is no longer the Italy of the Romans, nor that of the Middle Ages; it must no longer be the battlefield of ambitious foreigners, but it must rather be the Italy of the Italians." In 1861 a Parliament of all Italy except Venice and Rome, assembled in Turin, proclaimed Victor Emanuel II, by the grace of God and by the will of the nation, King of Italy, and declared by solemn vote that Rome should be the capital of the new nation. The sentiment of the country was that "without Rome for a capital, Italy can never be firmly united." On the field of Sadowa Prussia crushed Austria and compelled the latter to release Venice to Italy. Papal Rome was all that was now lacking to complete the union of the Peninsula. In 1870 came the Franco-German war, the forced withdrawal of the French regiments from the support of the Pope in Rome, the overthrow of Napoleon III and the establishment of the French Republic.

Feeling the moment opportune, Victor Emanuel "with the

affection of a son, with the faith of a Catholic, with the soul of an Italian wrote to Pope Pius IX praying him to accede to the long-cherished determination of Italians to have Italy free, united, and Rome the capital of the new kingdom. The answer of the Pontiff was, "I cannot admit the demands of your letter nor accept the principles contained therein." Without further parleying, Victor Emanuel marched his troops against Rome, quickly silenced the guns of the Vatican, and through a breach in the old wall near Porta Pia carried the tricolor of United Italy into the Eternal City. The date was September 20, 1870.

September 20, therefore, is Italy's "Fourth of July." In Rome the patriotic exercises are always held near the breach in the old wall made by the troops of Victor Emanuel on the memorable day of 1870, and the address of the occasion is delivered by the Mayor.

At the last celebration, Mr. Nathan chose for his subject, "Papal Rome and Italian Rome," that is the Rome of 1869 and the Rome of 1911, Rome under the Pope and Rome under Nathan. The selection of this subject was natural, inasmuch as this is the Jubilee Year of United Italy. (Fifty years ago the first Parliament of United Italy assembled in Turin.) The contrast was bound to be painful to the old régime, and the Mayor was merciless. The arraignment drew from Pius X a protest and the protest drew from Nathan a rejoinder that Italians regard as classic. With the Pope it was a case of the last state being worse than the first. "I am not the author or inventor of the ban driving from the schools and seminaries all secular periodicals," said the Mayor. "Not I the one to conceive solemn condemnations against Christian democracy, against the Modernists, against the Sillonists, against all who act zealously in the search of a faith that reconciles intellect and heart, tradition and evolution, knowledge and religion; not I the one to melt together dogma, right and religion in a way to deny the consolation of faith to one who could not yield a blind submission to the changeable doctrines and will of men; not I the one to create the ignorance that, abandoning itself to superstition, brutally pushes back knowledge; not I the one to