Fortunately Sir Robert Napier had reached an eminence on the left, and seeing that Colonel Milward was unsupported, he sent down the Punjab Pioneers to reinforce him. A hot engagement now took place, in which our Naval Rocket Brigade (under Commander Fellowes) and the mountain battery (under Colonel Penn) did excellent service. In the meantime the 4th regiment (King's own) came up, and their Snider rifles made terrible havoc in the Abyssinian ranks.

An eye-witness says, "How they kept their ground at all when Sniders, mountain guns, and rockets had begun to get fairly at them is a marvel, and says a good deal for their national 'pluck,' notwithstanding that they never managed to hold even for a few minutes after the first impetuous onset any ground from which it was attempted to dislodge them. That they came on so pluckily is accounted for by their mistaking the character of the force, but this mistake, soon discovered, could only have contributed to their confusion, and yet to the very last, though they had left, it is thought, some 500 comrades dead on the field, among them their leader, Theodore's favourite general, and must have had at least three times that number wounded, they kept up some show of resistance, rallied to make a few faint charges, and mustered up spirits enough for a mock-victorious cheer when Sir Charles Staveley, as night was coming on and nothing more was to be gained by useless butchery, sounded the retreat.

It is a remarkable fact that notwithstanding the hot fire poured down upon our troops by the Abyssinians, we had not a single man killed, and only nineteen wounded.

Next morning Mr. Flad and Lieutenant Prideaux appeared in the British camp with a flag of truce sent by the King to make terms. Sir Robert Napier, however, insisted that the prisoners should be unconditionally surrendered, and the result was that they were all sent into the camp.

On the 13th of April two brigades, consisting of 5000 men, under Sir Charles Staveley, moved forward to attack Magdala itself. They marched along the road which led up to Fahla and through what had been Theodore's camp at Islamgee to Selassee and Magdala. "These three hills form a sort of roughly-shaped T, except that Selassee and Magdala slant outwards on either side away from Fahla, instead of being at right angles to it, and as they all flank and protect each other, and are connected by a mountain, isolated, and rising many hundred feet above the plain, and with its sides broken up into scarps and terraces, most of them perfectly precipitous, they form together a natural stronghold which, perhaps, has not its parallel in the known world. Of the strength of Magdala itself it is, perhaps, impossible to give an adequate idea. It is protected by lofty, almost overhanging cliffs, so precipitous that a cat could not climb them, except at two points, north and south, at each of which a steep, narrow path leads up to a strong gateway. It was by the northern gateway, as being on the side

[1868. commanded by Selassee, that our troops had to effect an entrance."

As the troops approached the stronghold they opened a hot fire of shot, shell and rockets, but made no impression upon the gateway, which was protected by a strong stockade. Here was stationed the King, with a small band of faithful followers, but the rest of his army had abandoned the place.

The attacking troops forced their way over the stockade, and rushing into the fortress cut down the few Abyssinians, who died fighting bravely to the last, but the King retreated to a spot higher up, and there shot himself with a pistol before the soldiers could reach him. His body was found dead on the ground. Our whole loss was only that of ten men wounded.

Sir Robert Napier at first offered to make over Magdala to an Abyssinian chief named Gobaze, who had recently made himself master of the country between Antalo and Magdala, and who had shown himself friendly to the expedition. But Gobaze declined the proposal, and therefore, to prevent the place from falling in all its strength into the hands of the fierce Mahommedan tribe of the Gallas, the hereditary enemies of the Christians, he determined, as far as possible, to destroy it, and the town was set on fire and burnt to the ground. Upwards of thirty guns were also destroyed, and to use the expression of Sir Robert Napier, "nothing but blackened rock remains."

Sir Robert Napier issued an address to the army, dated Camp Dalsola, April 20, in which he said, "I congratulate you with all my heart on the noble way in which you have fulfilled the commands of our Sovereign. You have traversed, often under a tropical sun, or amidst storms of rain and sleet, 400 miles of mountainous and difficult country. You have crossed many steep and precipitous ranges of mountains, more than 10,000 feet in altitude, where your supplies could not keep pace with you.

"When you arrived within reach of your enemy, though with scanty food, and some of you for many hours without either food or water, in four days you passed the formidable chasm of the Bashilo and defeated the army of Theodore, which poured down upon you from their lofty fortress in the full confidence of victory. "A host of many thousands have laid down their arms at your feet.

"You have captured and destroyed upwards of thirty pieces of artillery, many of great weight and efficiency, with ample stores of ammunition. You have stormed the almost inaccessible fortress of Magdala, defended by Theodore, with the desperate remnant of his chiefs and followers.

"After you forced the entrance, Theodore, who never showed mercy, distrusted the offer of mercy held out to him, and died by his own hand.

"You have released not only the British captives, but those of other friendly nations.

"You have unloosed the chains of more than ninety of the principal chiefs of Abyssinia.

"Magdala, on which so many victims have been slaughtered, has been committed to the flames, and remains only a scorched rock.

"Our complete and rapid success is due, first, to the mercy of God, whose hand, I feel assured, has been over us in a just cause; secondly, to the high spirit with which you have been inspired.

"Indian soldiers have forgotten the prejudices of race and creed to keep pace with their European comrades.

"Never has an army entered into a war with more honourable feelings than yours. This has carried you through many fatigues and difficulties; you have been only eager for the moment when you could close with your enemy.

"The remembrance of your privations will pass away quickly, but your gallant exploit will live in history.

"The Queen and the people of England will appreciate your

services. . .

In a despatch addressed by him to the Secretary of State for India, dated Suez, June 18, he thus summed up the results of the campaign as it affected the political situation in Abyssinia

"On the whole, it may be said that the effect of our expedition on the political aspect of Abyssinia has been the following:-The province of Tigre, which we found just struggling into independence, has been somewhat strengthened and settled by us. Wagshoom Gobaze, who at the date of our arrival was attempting a hopeless opposition to Theodorus, should now be able to establish his position. Theodorus had acquired by conquest a Sovereignty which he knew only how to abuse. He was not strong enough to protect the people from other oppressors, while yet able to carry plunder and cruelty into every district he himself might visit. I fail to discover a single point of view from which it is possible to regard his removal with regret. I think it may be said that the object of the expedition has been accomplished without the rights of any of the princes or chiefs of the country having been interfered with by us, and that the prospect of Abyssinia enjoying tranquillity is at this day fairer than it was at the date when our army landed on the coast."

We need only add that after the destruction of Magdala the expedition set out on its return, and Abyssinia was abandoned by British troops, we hope, for ever.

CHAPTER V.

UNITED STATES.

Bill for the Protection of American Naturalized Citizens-Speeches on the subject— New Bill introduced and passed-Impeachment of the President-The Trial and its Result-Manifesto by the Republican Party- Mr. Reverdy Johnson appointed Minister to Great Britain-Bill for Readmission of Arkansas to the Union-Reasons of the President for vetoing the Bill-Passing of the "Omnibus Bill" for re-admitting States into the Union-Financial Statement.

AT the end of January the House of Representatives was engaged in the discussion of a Bill for the protection of the rights of American naturalized citizens in foreign States. It was introduced by General Banks, Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs, to whom the question had been referred, who said that the subject was a very difficult one, embracing the legislation of America and of foreign countries, and the Committee of Foreign Affairs did not see an immediate and perfect solution of the difficulty, but presented this Bill as the nearest approach to it. He then entered upon an inquiry as to what classes of persons the United States should not undertake to protect when abroad, and said it must be admitted that a man who committed a crime within a foreign State submits himself to the jurisdiction of that State. So a man who had actually deserted from the army or navy of a foreign Power would probably be held by that Power precisely as under the circumstances he would be held by the American Government. These cases, however, he did not think affected prospective military obligations, and he was sure that the subject of a foreign Power who might be called upon to do military service, and who emigrated with the knowledge and consent of his Government could not be held as a deserter. There was another class of cases to which the protection of the American Government should not extend. These were cases of fraudulent naturalization, practised largely by persons from South and Central America, who came to the United States and procured naturalization for the purpose of returning to their own countries and there exempting themselves from military and other obligations. Protection, also, should not be extended to people, either native-born or naturalized, who went to reside in foreign countries on account of the cheapness of living, while they were drawing 10, 12, or 15 per cent. income on their property in the United States. As an explanation of his idea of the rights of a naturalized citizen when abroad, General Banks said that a naturalized citizen had exactly the same rights in foreign countries as a native-born citizen. The one had no right or privilege which the other could not claim, and it was the first and highest duty of the Government to accord its protection to the naturalized pre

cisely as to the native-born citizen. In reference to a proposed amendment that the United States had never recognized the right of expatriation, General Banks said the judgment of the Foreign Committee was exactly the reverse. In the very nature of the Government the right was admitted, and had been exercised since the foundation of the Government. The Courts had said indirectly, but never judicially, that expatriation was not a right of American citizens, because it was not a right of English subjects at the time of the adoption of the Constitution. But this was not the law of the country, and the Executive had maintained the opposite doctrine in every case. One or two distinguished public officers had yielded to the suggestion of the judicial tribunals, and had in their papers recognized in the English sense the doctrine of emigration or naturalization, but they had never declared this to be the doctrine of the United States. The reason why the Bill did not declare expatriation to be a right of American citizens was clear. A legislative act at this day by the Congress of the United States recognizing the right of expatriation would be interpreted by European Governments as a declaration dating from this time, and would effectually cut off all privileges and claims of naturalized citizens in foreign States up to this time. It was for that reason, whenever this question had been presented, that Congress had always dismissed the proposition as legislation that was unnecessary, and that would be fatal to large numbers of naturalized citizens. The Bill did not propose to define what constituted naturalization, but simply applied to the rights of naturalized citizens when abroad. So long as claims were made by European States, and especially by Great Britain, affecting so large a portion of the people of the United States, this Government could never recognize nor submit to such a limitation of the rights of its citizens. Three-fifths of the 35,000,000 inhabitants of the United States were interested one way or another in foreign countries. They had the right to travel, and the greatest punishment which could be inflicted on any man or nation was the denial of the right of locomotion. He concluded with the remark that he "thought it would be found that in this Bill there was nothing conceded to European Governments which should not be conceded in point of law, and which the American Government would demand for itself; and that there was nothing claimed for American citizens, naturalized or native-born, which must not be maintained at whatever cost."

Mr. Ward (Republican), of New York, asked General Banks what was meant by the language of the first section of the Bill, which empowered the President to use the resources of the nation to secure from foreign Governments a recognition of the American doctrine of naturalization. General Banks said to answer that question would require him to make a speech, which he did not propose to do at this time. Mr. Ward said that, in his opinion, those words conferred very great power-the power to declare war.